Redakcja naukowa T. Bodio. Warszawa: Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPHA-JR, 2012. S. 351; S. 479*.

(Seria "Vladza, elity, przywodztwo")¹

Due to its geographical location, the Caucasus has played and continues to play a significant role in geopolitics. Major research carried out under the auspices of Polish specialists (author and project manager, editor-in-Chief of the series, member of the Political Science Committee of the Academy of Sciences of Wormwood T. Bodio) It represents an important milestone in the history of studying modern problems of ethnopolitical development of the republics of the Caucasus. The publication of the collective monograph in two volumes in the series "Power, Elites, Leadership" is based on the classical principle of compiling combined theoretical methodological and empirical-analytical studies.

The monograph is the result of long-term work of the Caucasus Political Research Group of the Institute of Oriental Studies as part of the Institute of Political Sciences in cooperation with the Inter-Institute Laboratory for the Study of Russia and Post-Soviet States of the Faculty of Journalism and Political Science of the University of Warsaw and researchers from Polish and foreign analytical centers. The authors of the book are scientists from various research and university centers in Poland and scientists from leading research centers in Russia and other countries of the former Soviet Union. The publication aims to explain the common and special features of the Caucasus and Russia, as well as the rest of the post-Soviet world, through the peculiarity of the region's geographical location, Caucasian culture, mentality, and historical development. Some authors focus on pre-Soviet history, others on the influence of nomenklatura-communist rule, and others on the Soviet roots of"Caucasian phenomena".

Almost all the articles in the book are similar in problem-related topics, more or less mutually penetrate each other, showing "the clash of traditions with the upcoming modernization and globalization." This approach allows us to structure the similarities and differences between different parts of the Caucasus, based on the criterion of the impact of the former metropolis on the speed of movement of regions and countries to full independence and international legal personality.

The limited scope of the review did not allow us to elaborate on all the works. The reviewers tried to show the most interesting facts and a new conceptual vision of the little-studied problem of elites in the Caucasus, using the review not so much as a way of positive criticism, but as a basis for additional reflections, hypotheses, and interpretations.

One of the main tasks of the international team of researchers was to show the Caucasus region as a specific conglomerate of political models. In the books, the elites are divided into three conditional groups:: 1) The North Caucasus is a constituent entity of the Russian Federation; 2) the South Caucasus is a former union and now independent state; 3) the problem states are unrecognized and de facto exist as part of the first two groups.

The research focuses on one of the most relevant and popular topics in the mass media, but insufficiently studied: the ruling elites, the theory and mechanisms of the formation of local formal and informal power groups, their current state and role in life

* Kavkaz: Transformation and Reproduction of Political Elites, vol. 6; Kavkaz: Mechanisms of Legitimation and Functioning of Political Elites, vol. 7 / Scientific ed. by prof. Warsaw: ASPRA Publishing House, 2012. (Ser. "Power, elites, production").

¹ Previous volumes of the series: Vol. I. Leadership, Elites and Transformation in the CIS countries. Questions of research methodology / Ed. by T. Bodio. Warsaw: ASPRA Publishing House, 2010, 570 p.; Vol. 2. Leadership and Political elites in the CIS countries, ed. by T. Bodio, V. Yakubovsky. Warsaw: ASPRA Publishing House, 2010. 608 p.; Vol. 3. Zwisk-Karpovich Ya. The Russian elite of the central government in 2000-2008 Warsaw: ASPRA Publishing House, 2011. 379 p.; Vol. 4. Ssradzan II. Ya. Krasno-brownie. Alliance of Left and right radicalism in modern Russia. Warsaw: LSPRA Publishing House, 2010. 425 p.; Vol. 5. Vsrzhbitsky L. Russia: ethnicity and politics. Warsaw: ASPRA Publishing House, 2011.340 p.

states of the Caucasus. The pages of the publication are full of historically little-known and unknown facts, materials from current life, valuable methodological and theoretical maxims, political science neologisms, without which it is impossible to build a new perspective on the situation in the Caucasus ("ethnic parties", ethnic favoritism, models of political leadership, "the factor of the transformation loop", "ethnic ostracism", "channels of formal and informal communication"). informal clan and inter-clan recruitment and recruitment", etc.)

In the introduction to vol. VI "Political leadership and political elites of the Caucasus" by T. Bodio characterizes the main features of the political evolution of elites in the Caucasus, reveals the key problems that arise due to the preservation of ethnic traditions, on the one hand, and the legacy of the Soviet era, on the other. What is it, the author asks, the post-Soviet transition that has been going on for almost a quarter of a century, or its final stage? Be that as it may, he believes, this is not just a stage in the construction of gross democracy, but also a specific model characterized by civilizing, political, economic and psychocultural logic. And the central conflict-causing link in this transition is the power system.

The authors of the project show that regional elites in the Caucasus have their own local specifics, in particular, we are talking about different levels of consolidation of the political class. One of the most important criteria here is the degree of trust in the institutions of power, the gap between the elite and the electorate. At the same time, it is important to note that the vast "gray sphere of power" has formed specific segments of oligarchic and clan elites, which try to effectively compete with the elite of the official government where their interests collide.

A characteristic phenomenon of power in Azerbaijan, writes Ya. In the article "Evolution of the ruling elite of independent Azerbaijan", the absolute support of the population for the favorites of the ruling elite and the Aliyev clan, who won all presidential elections without holding a second round of voting (1991, 1992, 1993, 1998, 2003, 2008). Not everything was going too smoothly. In the 1991 elections, A. Mutalibov won the first place, then emigrated to Moscow, from where he returned to Baku after his amnesty only in the summer of 2013. The 1992 elections were won by A. Elchibey, who also fell into disgrace, and only then did the current Aliyev clan come to power. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that after the death of the elder Aliyev in the country's leadership, if not in principle, then a significant regrouping of elite clans took place.

The course of internal political processes and the formation of elites in Azerbaijan and Armenia is influenced by the problematic military-political situation. External threats to independence and territorial integrity strengthen the ruling authoritarian regimes and consolidate the elites rather than contribute to the expected destabilization (Georgia, Azerbaijan, Abkhazia, etc.). Moreover, such a danger may not be military force, but the risk of neo-colonization that persists, according to local elites. This tangle of heterogeneous factors is one of the reasons why authoritarianism is stable and favored by elites in the Caucasus, and not only there.

In the northern part of the Caucasus, in the republics that are part of the Russian Federation, there is no military confrontation. But even there, political disputes are acute in their own way between the elites of a completely unformed political class. Moreover, these processes are stronger in the North Caucasus than in the South. In the conditions of the North Caucasus, specific relations between the federal center and the republics play an important role in the formation of leaders and ruling elites. Moscow's doctrinal principle of recognizing politicians and the elite clans loyal to them who are in power, rather than those who are in opposition to them, has a major impact on the balance of power.

According to M. Slovikowski (Department of Political Systems, Faculty of International and Political Science Studies, Lodz University) in the article " Russia's North Caucasus Challenges: new policy of the federal government " (vol. 6), Moscow is dissatisfied with the elite in the North Caucasus and is looking for a way to make changes in regional policy. Assessing the policy of the federal authorities, the scientist predicts possible scenarios for the development of events in the region. T. Bodiot also recalls this, emphasizing that since 2012 there has been a critical re-evaluation of the composition of regional elites in the North Caucasus, because its previously formed composition does not adequately ensure the achievement of the main goal - the governability of regions: "The attempt to unify the model of formation of regional elites in the republics of the Caucasus, adopted by the federal government, also did not lead to results" (vol. 6, p. 30).

Indeed, at the beginning of 2012, the "vertical of power" that had developed in recent years in the North Caucasus was called into question. At the same time, after Vladimir Putin's second term, the degree of tension around this topic in the ruling circles of Russia began to decrease. Moscow's attempt to "form an elite" in the Caucasus was partially successful: today, by and large, violence and "terrorism" occur only within the Caucasus, and not in Central Russia (exceptions, although loud, only prove the general trend). It can be assumed that the fulfillment of this task was and remains one of the conditions for Moscow to support the regional elites that have developed in the North Caucasus.

The conclusion that coincides in the works of several authors that the ideology of the independent states of the South Caucasus is dominated by the course of nationalism and the superiority of the "titular nation"should be recognized as correct. This position is most clearly expressed in the work of M. Hartlinski (Institute of Political Sciences of the University of Warmia and Mazur in Olsztyn) "Constitutional model of political leadership in the countries of the South Caucasus "(vol. 6), where the author highlights the common desire for monocratic (and at the same time clan-elitist) rule for all republican ideologies ("they have a common denominator in the form of the dominant role of the president.") The analysis shows that the problematic issue in these countries is the balance in relations between the elites of certain segments of power and the key role of the institution of the presidency, which determines domestic and foreign policy.

A. Krylov's research (Center for Development and Modernization Problems of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences) "The South Caucasus: features of the formation of the post-Soviet elite and the choice of models of socio-political development" (vol.6) shows that the merger of political and economic power in the region is a natural and stage-progressive process. The author defines this merger as the main factor of development. Equally intriguing are his arguments that the ruling elite in Georgia does not enjoy sufficient support from the population and depends on external economic and political support from Europe and the United States. A. Krylov refers to the book "Postdemocracy" by the British researcher K. Crouch (Moscow, 2010) in reasoning that the resources of internal local democracy in the post-Soviet space are not enough to support the country. In this area (especially in Georgia), they play a smaller role than the power of international corporations. Bypassing democracy comes a period of authoritarian "post-democracy". However, in the last part of the book quoted by A. Krylov, it is stated that even in the conditions of post-democracy, real democracy still has a chance to be restored. The researcher's forecasts are rather pessimistic. The author describes the pathological phenomena among the elites of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, formulates the thesis that regime change in these countries can occur only in the case of internal division of political elites, which can endanger state sovereignty and lead to the outbreak of civil war. According to A. Krylov, "degeneration of democracy" in the states of the South Caucasus is the first symptom of post-democracy. He believes that the elite will live in their own closed world, where the main role will be played not by the development of democratic institutions, but by the interests of large corporations.

I. Sampiev (Department of Sociology and Political Science, Ingush State University, Nazran) discusses the topic "The political establishment of the Republics of the North Caucasus: problems of identification and functioning "(vol. 6). The author defines the ruling stratum as the establishment, thereby distinguishing it from the traditional elites of the region. This regional establishment is dependent on the Moscow establishment and often implements the latter's corporate or private interests. The author describes the processes taking place among the elite of the North Caucasus on the example of Ingushetia. The author gives many examples of the virtual community of the North Caucasus with the rest of the Russian Federation, meaning " nepotism, kinship, thugs, bribery, working for the special services, etc.". Avoiding the trivial manner of talking mainly about the traditional structure of Caucasian society, I. Sampiev explains what is happening by the dependence of the current Caucasian elite on patrons in Moscow and only then on clan patrons groups within the republics.

Other authors of the two-volume book attempt to examine the mechanisms of functioning of political elites and leadership mainly through the prism of "traditionalism" and local culture. The latter are sometimes not seen as an extra burden and an obstacle to the development of democracy. The overwhelming majority of authors are far from one-sided apologists for democracy and contempt for the traditions of the Caucasus. This is all the more important because the lack of empathy for traditional culture, unfortunately, is sometimes present in Polish journalism and scientific literature. The authors of many articles argue with the unfair underestimation of the positive influence of the Caucasian tradition on the political life of the region.

The topic of symbiosis between traditional and European democracy is extremely poorly developed in science. Its development does not always succeed in avoiding terminological confusion ("democracy", "anarchy", "order", "chaos", "tradition", "modernization", etc.). It is still not clear whether what is happening in the Caucasus can be called anarchy caused by the victory of traditionalism over democratic modernization. There is less anarchy in the region today than in the 1990s, when there was a semblance of democracy, or at least local self-government. It is debatable whether the victory of "traditionalism" leads to a reduction in anarchy and chaos, as T. Bodiot correctly writes, the regimes in the Caucasus are "transitional" and therefore "unstable" (vol. 7, pp. 28-29, etc.).: how long will the "transition" last and what will it lead to at the new stage?

The two-volume book examines the cardinal theoretical questions of modern ethnopolitical science: can "culture" generate "instability", corruption, "inadequacy of power", Islamization, cronyism and general "inefficiency" of state structures? Can the absence of "democracy" or "human rights" be explained by Caucasian ethnic traditions? What are the links between "traditions" and "anarchy" on the one hand, and "authoritarianism" on the other? How do localities and cultures determine the development and character of statehood? "...Although this state of affairs corresponds to the local tradition, it is precisely this state of affairs that gives rise to authoritarian methods of government, " writes T. Bodio (vol. 7, p. 35).

V. Korovin (Center for Conservative Studies, Faculty of Sociology, Lomonosov Moscow State University) in his article "The role of tradition in the legitimization and activity of the political elite of the North Caucasus (on the example of Chechnya)" (vol. 6) sees traditions as the only explanation for how Ramzan Kadyrov is held in power. He believes that the continued existence of the North Caucasus within Russia's borders depends on the Kremlin elite's understanding of the stabilizing role of traditional society in the region.

It is acceptable to assume that it is not family ties and relationships (a fundamental feature and tradition of ethnic groups), but the social competition of clan patrons for power and resources that generates local problems, in particular in the judiciary. Non-observance of the legal rights of citizens may consist not only in the use of some " traditions "in the course of judicial proceedings, but in the complete absence of judicial control and the presence of behind-the-scenes control over the activities of" independent " courts. Lawlessness breeds "tradition," not vice versa.

Political scientist from Vladikavkaz B. Koibaev (Department of Historical Political Science of K. L. Khetagurov State University, Vladikavkaz) in his article "Peculiarities of the development of the political elite of the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania" (vol.7) makes an attempt to question the thesis about traditional "culture" as the main determinant of political development problems. What is happening in North Ossetia-Alania is a universal phenomenon and is characteristic of regional elites throughout Russia. The author does not forget about the factor of "increasing the role of informal ties of ethnic and clan nature", which even politically advanced Georgia does not stand aside. (By the way, the author of the concept of "post-democracy" K. Krouch wrote about this.)

K. Dombrowski, an expert in the field of administrative reforms in Georgia (Institute of Oriental Studies, Warsaw University), "The influence of territorial autonomy on the formation and emancipation of regional elites in Georgia" (vol.7), describes a virtual dispute between central and regional elites: strong centrifugal tendencies of national minorities are the main threat to the territorial integrity of this state. A wide range of historical events and phenomena underlie this problem: support for centralization from the federal Soviet center in the 1930s, the weakening of centralization in the 1960s and 1970s, attempts to involve Russia in political processes in Georgia after the collapse of the USSR, etc. on the formation of regional elites in the Soviet period. As a result, not just regional elites were formed, but the Abkhazian nation, which is not recognized by Georgia, was formed. At the same time, the basis of the nationogenesis of the Abkhazians is the existence of the Abkhazian ethnic group itself long before the formation of autonomy within Georgia.

P. Seradan (Institute of Political Science, Gdansk) in his article "Towards a "new big game": the rivalry of world powers for geopolitical leadership in the Caucasus" (vol.6) looks for the origins of the formation of the national identity of the elite of modern Abkhazia and the "universal hatred" of Abkhazians in Georgian politics. The author shows the peculiarities of the behavior of various factions of the ruling elite during the 2008 war with Georgia, the leadership model of S. V. Bogapsh, and optimistic prospects for democracy in this country under the new president. Changes towards democracy in the context of-

in the conditions of paramilitary situations are always extremely difficult. At the same time, the elite of independent Abkhazia is doomed to live, playing a key role in the confrontation between Georgia and Russia, due to the geopolitical confrontation between the West and the East.

P. Seradan shows the rivalry of world powers for leadership in the Caucasus ("the new big game"). It follows from the text that the attempt to pour "new wine into old wineskins", to renew competition in the "big game" paradigm, has no basis, although there are many external signs that push other researchers to make such comparisons. Consider that, for example, a pro-American, pro-Western Georgia will become a springboard for American-European hegemony in the Caucasus, and even more so in Eurasia. To think otherwise is like seeing the oil contracts of American companies in Turkmenistan or Kazakhstan as the key to starting the formation of a pro-Western state in Afghanistan.

M. Piskorski's work (European Center for Geopolitical Analysis, Poland) "The Elites of South Ossetia during the electoral crisis of 2011-2012" (vol.7) is somewhat different. This is a specific and descriptive study, which shows the chronicle of the elections, their international context, and highlights the range of possible candidates for the presidency of the republic. The author concludes that the distribution of forces of the republican elite depends on the distribution of financial assistance to South Ossetia from Moscow. The story of the 2011-2012 presidential elections described by the author showed that ordinary citizens could also have a strong spontaneous, though not decisive, influence on the situation in this country.

K. Kozlowski (Department of Political Science, Warsaw Higher School) in his article "Terrorism in the North Caucasus: a Real and Marketing dimension" (vol.6) examines the topic of elections in the North Caucasus in the context of "marketing terror". On the one hand, terrorism is a real threat to security in the region, and on the other hand, it is an element of political manipulation in Russia's political game with foreign power centers. Analyzing the causes and consequences of modern conflicts, the author focuses on how they are used to manipulate public consciousness in organizing the election of heads of regions.

S. Minasyan (Department of Political Studies of the Caucasus Institute, Yerevan) in his article "Armenia in Karabakh, Karabakh in Armenia (the Karabakh factor in Armenia's domestic and foreign policy)" (vol. 7) describes in detail the situation in the region and emphasizes the important role of Karabakh and Karabakh politicians in the formation of the current elite in Armenia. This is also pointed out by P. Adamczewski (Higher School of Humanities and Economics, Seradz) in the article " Political leadership in the post-Soviet space with an uncertain status. The case of Nagorno-Karabakh "(vol. 7). He emphasizes that the constitutional model and reality in Karabakh are far from the same thing and, just as importantly, highlights the impact of the military conflict of the 1990s on the complex process of elite formation in Karabakh. These two articles, as well as the work of K. Fedorovich (Institute of Oriental Studies, Department of Modern Eastern Europe, Department of Security and Crisis Management, Poland) "The role of force and violence in the formation of the political system in Armenia" (vol. 7) successfully complement each other. Fedorovich states that only" after Armenia's accession to the Council of Europe "and at the" initial stage of the democratization process " can we observe a deviation from the use of violence by both state bodies and opposition forces in Armenia. It is possible that the risks of a return to the" pathology of violence " will remain in Armenia and Karabakh until the problem of the Armenian military presence in Azerbaijan is resolved.

A. Dugin (Department of Sociology of International Relations, Lomonosov Moscow State University) in his article "Modern Elites of the North Caucasus (socio-political review)" (vol. 6) shows the main political clan structures of the region.

Against the background of A. Dugin's near-scholastic arguments, the article by P. Grokhmalskaya (Copernicus University, Torun) "The political elite of Chechnya: history and modernity" (vol. 7) looks advantageous. It shows in detail, by period, the formation and transformation of the political class in the regions. Each period Grokhmalskaya has a unique, historically determined combination of factors, under the influence of which a specifically modified type of leader and his environment is created. In the post-Soviet dpi, elites were formed under the influence of Adat and sharia law. This particular historical approach to the topic certainly deserves a positive assessment.

In the work of And. Dzyuba University (im. Chavchavadze, Tbilisi) " Conditionality of the formation of elites in the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania "(vol. 7) it is shown that the "growth of traditional clan structures" in North Ossetia is associated with the fact that the overwhelming majority of the ruling clans

they consist of patrons and descendants of old party and state structures of the Soviet era or new entrepreneurs associated with them. In contrast to I. Dzyuba's point of view, there is an opinion that, no matter how the elites in the Caucasus changed and varied, their type should be called post-Soviet. N. Konajewska (Institute of Political Science, Warsaw University) writes about this. In the article " Political elites of Dagestan. Ethnicity and Clan division " (vol. 6) it analyzes the sources, features and consequences of nationalism of the political elite of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. Much attention is also paid to the role of political elites in ethnic conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Dagestan. "The elite has transformed," Konajewska writes, " but its type has remained the same."

It is important to note that the Soviet-communist system turned out to be a dead-end branch of the main development of society along the path of modernization. The question is whether we should now go back or look for other ways to return to the civilizational highway of modernization on the Western European model. It is impossible to answer this question without ignoring the fundamental fact that Soviet forced modernization was accompanied not only by a major breakdown of old cultures, but also by concessions to national elites that were suicidal for centralization in the USSR in order to seemingly preserve the empire. It was in this way that a deeply echeloned composition of the secular political and cultural elite was formed, including the post-Soviet establishment itself, which serves as a conductor of Moscow's policy and has extensive experience in dialogue with local elites of societies that categorically do not want to part with ethnic traditions.

Not only the elites, but the entire life of the Caucasus is the result of a complex symbiosis of centuries-old traditions, the Soviet era and the post-Soviet era. For example ,the "rooting" of the power apparatus and management structures at all levels began during the Soviet era, and the term itself appeared in the 1920s. O. Tsvetkov (Southern Research Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Rostov-on-Don) considered this issue in his informative essay "Ruling Elites and Leadership in the Republic of Adygea". (vol. 7) focuses readers ' attention on the "dominance of Adygeans in the system of power", where this titular ethnic group is in the position of a national minority (25% of the country's population). Favoritisation of Adygeans is a continuation of the Soviet policy of supporting autochthonous national elites. The circle closes if we take into account that the hegemony of the Autochthons leads to a reduction in Russians. However, it is not always and everywhere a suicidal policy for Moscow to make concessions to national suburbs and their elites.

O. Tsvetkov showed that the Adyghe "ethnic party" is the main informal group in the republic, consisting of influential patrons of Adyghe elite clans. They determine the political climate in the country and actually control everything and everything in it. The goal of this virtual party is to preserve the political hegemony of the Circassians. "National republics "are referred to in the Constitution of the Russian Federation as" states within the Russian Federation " and they are given the right to establish their own state languages. According to the Constitution, there are two state languages in the republic: Russian and Adyghe, and high-ranking officials are simply required to know both. The above-mentioned ethno-demographic imbalance and, against this background, the imbalance of Russians and Adygs in higher authorities is the result of mandatory knowledge of two languages. The Circassians, who are numerically inferior to the Russians in their knowledge of two languages, dominate, they are much more numerous than the Russians who know Adyghe.

Of course, one of the central paradigms of T. Bodio's two-volume project is the thesis that the Caucasus is necessarily a tradition, that to talk about it outside of tradition and history means not knowing the very specifics that determine everything that is happening in this region at the present time. For example, a Polish Caucasian scholar who spent many years in the republics of the North and South Caucasus, A. Chodubski (Department of Science of Civilization at the University of Gdansk, Committee of Political Sciences of the Polish Academy of Sciences), author of two articles: "The Caucasus: legend and socio-political reality of the region" and " Ethnic and national diversity of the Caucasus "(vol. 6), describes the geographical, natural, historical, cultural and demographic features of social and political processes taking place in the region, examines the past and present of the Caucasus, the specific consequences of the collision of traditions, myths and legends with reality modern life. In recent decades, the author emphasizes, the myths of antiquity and traditions of mountain peoples coexist with the commercialization of public life, which has resulted in the destruction of the traditional way of life. The researcher notes that if international figures understood the history of the Caucasus, it would be much easier and more efficient for them to implement their projects there. In the Caucasus, emphasizes

According to him, "traditionalism, myths and stereotypes are an important force in shaping regional relations, including in the sphere of politics, leadership and ruling elites."

T. Stempniewski (Institute of Eastern and Central Europe and Institute of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, Catholic University of Lublin) adds an interesting addition to these reflections. St. John Paul II) in the article " The European Union's attitude to Political stability and security in the South Caucasus region. The case of the war between Russia and Georgia in 2008 "(vol. 6). He noted that the understanding of the Caucasus is explained not by the historical illiteracy of European specialists, but by the fact that Europe began to get acquainted with the region only recently. The author suggests that an adequate understanding of what is happening in the Caucasus by Western politicians may also be hindered by ideological blinders. Considering the strategic importance of the South Caucasus for the European Union, he critically assesses the EU's policy in the region on the example of the Russian-Georgian war, the EU's involvement in resolving the conflict and stabilizing the situation in the region.

A monograph of such a large scale and rich content naturally includes a wide variety of theoretical views and methodological approaches to the study of the modern Caucasian elite and its formation. The two-volume work impresses not only with the variety of articles and authors, but also with the depth of research. There is no doubt that the" clash " of the new and the old in the Caucasus, as noted by the authors of the monograph, will remain in the center of scientific and political attention for a long time to come. Such attempts to understand the existing cultural and political conglomerate are now really needed and can only be welcomed. At the end of 2012, the authors ' team, as well as the Head of the Department of Oriental Studies at the University of Warsaw, Professor Tadeusz Bodio (for the concept, leadership of the international team and scientific editing) of the reviewed two-volume book were awarded the main prize (and a Diploma of the 1st degree) of the VI International Competition of scientific papers on Caucasian Studies and South Russian Regional Studies. -correspondent. A. Zhdanova (Rostov-on-Don). Two more volumes (vols.8 and 9) are in print, devoted to the problems of ruling elites and leadership in the Caucasus.

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