Monk Gabriel (1929-1995) is one of the most popular religious personalities in modern Georgia. His sermons and prophecies became very popular in the early 1990s and still are to this date. The expanding Internet social networks added to his popularity. His name is connected with miraculous healings; his grave became a sort of a modern shrine in the Georgian Orthodox Church. The phenomenon is on the verge between official and popular religion. His name became a source of legitimation for the Church as well as for the political establishment. In 2012 the "strange monk" was canonized as a saint, in 2014 his body was reburied in the Sameba cathedral in Tbilisi, and an avenue was renamed after him. The whole phenomenon shows the changing and complex role of religion in post-communist Georgian society.

Keywords: monk Gabriel, popular religion, post-Soviet Georgia, politics and religion, de-secularization, Georgian Orthodox Church.

Introduction

The development of post-communist Georgia was marked by a rise in religiosity, an increase in the authority of institutional religion, and an increase in the number of parishioners. Religiosity in Georgia is clearly present in the public space. This is evident not only in the growing number of religious organizations

This article was written as part of the CASCADE project (http://www.cascade-caucasus.eu/en_GB/)

Zviadadze S. Veneration of St. Gabriel: Institutionalization of Folk Religion and its Political Dimension in Georgia / / Gosudarstvo, religiya, tserkva v Rossii i za rubezhom. 2016. N2. pp. 226-254.

Zviadadze, Sophie (2016) 'The Cult of Monk Gabriel: Institutionalization of Popular Religion and Its Political Dimension in Georgia", Gosudarstvo, religiia, tserkov' v Rossii i za rubezhom 34(2): 226-254.

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symbols and practices, but also in an active religious discourse that manifests itself in public political discussions. It is noteworthy that the rise of religiosity coincided with a flood of rapid political and social transformations that led to the creation of new forms of religious expression. The involvement of religious figures in public affairs has also become more frequent, and the influence of the Church on political decision-making has increased. The Georgian Orthodox Church (GOC) has reformatted itself as a "public religion"1.

One of the most interesting phenomena in the changing Georgian religious sphere has been the veneration of St. Gabriel (known in Russia as St. John the Baptist). Gabriel). In the early 1990s, he gained fame as a monk, fortune teller, and healer. The exceptional popularity of Father Gabriel, as well as the stories of miracles and prophecies associated with him, became an important part of post-communist Georgian religiosity. After the death of the monk in 1995, his grave became one of the most popular places of pilgrimage.

Reverend Gabriel's fame has also reached the virtual realm. The saint is very popular on the Internet, and quotes attributed to him fly around on social networks. Such popularity expresses the tendencies of the popular faith. Loyalty to the monk is expressed by both very religious and not very religious people.2 Popular and entertainment programs produce stories dedicated to Father Gabriel. In 2012 he was canonized; in 2014, the figure of St. Gabriel took a top position in the news when his remains were solemnly transferred to Tbilisi's Sameba Cathedral (Trinity Cathedral). In the same year, as a result of discussions, one of the avenues in Tbilisi was renamed in his honor.

In this article, we will discuss the phenomenon of the cult of St. John the Baptist. Gabriela as an example of folk religion, about its origin, about the reasons for such popularity, and also about how this phenomenon of folk faith was eventually incorporated into the official one

1. Casanova, J. (1994) Public Religions in the Modern World. University of Chicago Press, Chicago; Zviadadze, S. (2014) Religion und Politik in Georgien. Die Beziehungen von Staat und Kirche und die Sakularisierungsproblematik im postkommunistischen Georgien. Hamburg: Verlag Dr. Kovac.

2. Zviadadze, S. (2014) "I 'like' my Patriarch. Religion on Facebook - New Forms of Religiosity in Contemporary Georgia", Online - Heidelberg Journal on Religions on Internet 6: 164-194

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The church was also a source of legitimation in Georgian politics. In this example, we can discover some features of religious transformations in post-Soviet Georgia.

Folk Religion in Modern Society: a Theoretical Review

Contrary to the classical paradigm of secularization3, in modern societies we see a mixed picture, where the role of religion can vary significantly 4. New theories try to justify the "return of religion"5. At the same time, it can be assumed that, in fact, we are not dealing with a "return", but with a kind of transformation of religiosity. The new forms that emerged in current (secular) societies prompted Lukman to reflect on the changing role and function of religion, as expressed in the concept of "invisible religion"; later, a new paradigm of "desecularization"was formed6. In many post-communist countries, institutional religions have significant social influence. They have a significant impact on political decision-making and public opinion formation, albeit in very different ways. At the same time, we are witnessing the rise of popular forms of religiosity that go beyond traditional institutional forms, such as esotericism or New Age.7 These moderns-

3. Wilson, B. (1966) Religion in Secular Society: A Sociological Comment. C.A. Watts & Co. LTD, London.

4. The importance of religion increases in some countries (Poland, Spain, USA), while in others it decreases (Czech Republic). См. Pollack, D., Borowik, I., Jagodzinski, W. (eds) (1998) Religioser Wandel in den postkommunistischen Lander Ost- und Mitteleuropas. Ergon: Wurzburg.

5. Riesebrodt, M. (2001) Die Ruckkehr der Religion. Fundamentalismus und der Kampf der Kulturen. Munchen: Beck.

6. Luckmann, Th. (1993) Die unsichtbare Religion, Suhrkamp. Frankfurt am Main; Berger P.L., (ed.) (1999). The Desecularization of the World: Resurgent Religion and World Politics. Washington DC: Ethics and Public Policy Center; Grand Rapids, Mich.: W.B. Eerdmans; Berger, P.L. (2012) "Further Thoughts on Religion and Modernity", Society 49, 313-316.

7. Knoblauch, H. (2008) "Die populare Religion", TV Diskurs - Verantwortung in audiovisuellen Medien, 12(44): 42-47, 43 [http://fsf.de/data/hefte/ausgabe/44/knoblaucho42_tvd44.pdf, accessed on 12.08.2015].

Knoblauch refers to a form of growing religiosity called "new spiritualism", see Hense, E., Jespers, F., Nissen, P. (eds) Present-Day Spiritualities: Contrasts and Overlaps, pp. 81-102, 81. Brill: Leiden.

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religious practices have contributed to the creation of an eclectic picture of modern religiosity.8
Practices that exist outside the framework of traditional religious institutions are referred to differently in the scientific literature: "folk religion"," folk religiosity"," folk faith"," spirituality"," alternative spirituality", etc.9 Such terms are sometimes very close to each other and even overlap. Let us try to identify more clearly the foundations of these concepts and the corresponding phenomenon.

Francois A. Isembert distinguishes several forms of popular religiosity 10. The first is related to traditional cultic beliefs expressed in culture and in everyday practices, such as pre-dinner prayer or decorating rooms with icons. In our example, these are icons of Father Gabriel in public transport, grocery stores, Facebook pages, and other social media profiles.11 The second form of folk religiosity is associated with non-traditional views and religious practices, part of which is avoiding "fatal" life situations with the help of various types of magic. Such forms can be associated with an official church or exist independently, as in the case of healers, fortune tellers, or astrologers.12 In our example, the figure of Monk Gabriel is associated, along with healings and miracles, with the prediction of political events in Georgia in the 1990s (civil war, the death of the country's first president Gamsakhurdia, etc.).

8. K. Prandi cites Italy as an example, speaking about anti-modernism as an important part of popular religiosity. Prandi, C. (1980) "La Religion Populaire: Problemes Theoriques", The annual review of the social sciences of religion 4: 31-59

9. Heelas, P., Woodhead, L. (2005) The Spiritual Revolution. Why Religion is Giving Way to Spirituality. Oxford: Blackwell.

10. Isambert, F.A (1982) Le sens du sacre. Fete et religion populaire, Paris; Isambert F.A. (1986) "Empirische Vielfalt und ideologische Geschlossenheit: Populare Religiositat in Frankreich", in Ebertz, M.N., Schultheis, F. (eds) Volksfrommigkeit in Europa. Beitrage zur Soziologie popularer Religiositat aus 14 Landern, pp. 192-203. Munchen: Chr. Kaiser. For more information on popular religiosity, see Ebertz, M. N., Schultheis, F. (1986) "Einleitung: Populare Religiositat", in M. N. Ebertz, F. Schultheis (eds) Volksfrommigkeit in Europa. Beitrage zur Soziologie popularer Religiositat aus 14 Landern, pp. 11-52. Munchen: Chr. Kaiser.

11. According to Isembert, the culture of saint worship is the main aspect of this form of folk religiosity, Knoblauch, H. (1999) Religionssoziologie. Berlin/New York: De Gruzter, p. 187.

12. Isambert, F.A. "Empirische Vielfalt und ideologische Geschlossenheit: Populare Religiositat in Frankreich", pp. 192-203, 192.

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Forms of popular religiosity (various practices ranging from divination to healing through prayers) are well-known in both the Catholic and Orthodox traditions, and Georgia provides many vivid examples of this. In Orthodox countries, pilgrimage to places associated with specific saints is one of these popular practices. Such religiosity also includes processions and other mass cult ceremonies. Even in Soviet times, pilgrimages to holy sites were very popular in Georgia (for example, the pilgrimage to the tomb of the Holy Martyrs David and Konstantin Mkheidze or the pilgrimage to Gogni on St. George's Day 13). Places that were supposed to be associated with the apparitions of saints were particularly attractive for pilgrims.14 Another form of popular religiosity was the custom of publicly celebrating holidays associated with a particular event, time of year or period of life (birth, baptism, marriage, Christmas, Easter), etc. 15

Such popular religious practices coexist with the" official", institutional religion of the church. In some cases, the church does not recognize folk rituals because they go beyond the canonical norms or are interpreted by the church as practices containing "pagan" elements (for example, the Georgian Orthodox Church prohibits animal sacrifice, considering such a "blood ritual" non-Christian). But sometimes the popular faith becomes part of an institutional religion and even takes the form of a religious movement.16 Thus, its role is twofold: it can be incorporated by the official religion or be a form of hidden opposition to it.17
At the same time, folk religion is gradually becoming a part of secular culture. Today it has taken on a new dimension: She's a sidhe-

13. Believers believe that in Gogni (Imereti) the footprint of St. George was preserved, left by him after he defeated the dragon.

14. Except during periods of intense anti-religious campaigning by the Communists in the 1920s and 1930s, pilgrims continued to frequent these sites during the Soviet era. This practice gained new momentum in the 1970s and 1980s.

15. ebd. 21

16. Knoblauch, H. Religionssoziologie, p. 186

17. Ebertz, M.N., Schultheis, F. "Einleitung: Populare Religiositat", p. 21.

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roko is represented in the public sphere and "sells well" 18. The mediatization of the public sphere has also had an impact on religion 19. Mass religious events are widely covered in the media. Ulrich Beck calls this "Massenmedialisierung der Religion"20. It can be said that the media further increases the level of" nationality " (popularity) of these religious forms.

Although we distinguish between the old folk faith, which is still practiced in some rural areas, and new urban forms of folk religiosity, they may mix; therefore, in this article, the term "popular religion" is used in a broad sense. This expanded definition includes various forms of public religiosity, as well as ways of expressing it that go beyond institutional boundaries and become part of the public sphere. In addition, the article examines its connection with popular culture in general. This broad concept of religion includes, among other things, various media forms of religious expression, as well as forms that are often considered "superstition" (esotericism, spiritualism, magical energy of stones, belief in reincarnation, etc.) 21. The broad concept of folk faith can also include various forms of institutional religion, such as religious beliefs. Pope's welcome ceremony or World Youth Day celebration 22.

This broad definition of folk religion highlights the fact that in the age of global communication, religion is looking for new ways and forms of expression. In addition, it is used when-

18. Knoblauch, H. (2008) "Die populare Religion und die Transformation der Gesellschaft", Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte 52: 3-8; Willems, P.W. (1989) Popular Religion in America: Symbolic Change and the Modernization Process in Historical Perspective, p. 3. Urbana/ Chicago: University of Illinois Press.

19. Hepp A., Kronert, V. (2009) Medien - Event- Religion. Die Mediatisierung des Religiosen. Wiesbaden: VW Verlag.

20. Beck, U. (2008) Der eigene Gott. Von der Friedensfiihigkeit und dem Gewaltpotential der Religionen, Verlag der Weltreligionen, p. 55. Frankfurt am Main/Leipzig. Examples: media coverage of the Pope's funeral, the papal conclave, live coverage of religious ceremonies in Orthodox countries, and other religious issues that are widely discussed in the media.

21. Knoblauch, H. "Die populare Religion und die Transformation der Gesellschaft", p. 4; Knoblauch, H. (2013) "Popular Spirituality", in Hense, E., Jespers, F., Nissen, P. (eds) Present-Day Spiritualities: Contrasts and Overlaps, pp. 81-102, 84. Brill: Leiden.

22. Knoblauch, H. "Die populare Religion und die Transformation der Gesellschaft"

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It gives a new dimension of religiosity - the dimension of entertainment, accessibility, and public commercialization.

To analyze the phenomenon of Reverend Gabriel and consider the religious and socio-political aspects associated with it, we used an interdisciplinary qualitative approach that included analysis of various texts and semi-structured in-depth interviews.23
Biography of Father Gabriel: anti-Soviet background24

Archimandrite Gabriel was born under the name of Goderdzi Urgebadze on August 26, 1929 in Tbilisi 25. He was born at a time when atheism was declared a state ideology. The church was completely under the control of the Soviet state. The forced inculcation of Soviet-style atheism and the fight against religion were carried out with the harshest methods.26 In the 1920s and 1930s, the Georgian Orthodox Church lost its property, churches and monasteries were closed or adapted for secular purposes, clergy were persecuted, and religious rites were banned.27 In 1934.

23.In the course of the study, two age groups of the population were interviewed: (1) respondents aged 18 to 30 years and (2) respondents aged 30 to 55 years. At this stage, we wanted to understand how much people know about Fr. Gabriel and what their attitude is to him, as well as what his role is in everyday religiosity. The in-depth interviews covered two age groups: on the one hand, those who were born after the Soviet period, and, on the other hand, those who went through the process of socialization in communist Georgia. A total of 32 people were interviewed: 10 men and 22 women. I tried to cover different regions of Georgia: 15 people were interviewed in Tbilisi, 6 in Gurjaani (Kakheti region), 5 in Kutaisi (Imereti region), 2 in Mtskheta (the burial place of Father Gabriel) and 4 Georgian citizens living abroad.

24. Biographical information about Reverend Gabriel, as well as his statements, can be found on the website: www.monkgabriel.ge (materials in several languages).

25. For more information about Saint Gabriel, see also Larchet, J.-C. (2015) Saint Gabriel.Folen-Christ de Georgie, L'age d'Homme, collection, "Grands spirituels ortodoxes du XXe siecle". Lausanne.

26. Corley, F. (1996) Religion in the Soviet Union. An Archival Reader, pp. 14-15. NYU Press.

27. Rogava, G. (1994) rogor ebrdzodnen religiasa da ek'lesias sakartveloshi: (XX sauk'unis 20-30-iani ts'lebi) [How they fought against religion and the church in Georgia (20-30th in XX c.)]. Tbilisi; См. также: P'ap'uashvili, N. (1996) sakartvelos ek'lesia or msoplio oms shoris, tbilisi [The Georgian Church between the two World Wars]. Tbilisi; Mebrdzol ughmertota k'avshiri, tsent'raluri sabch'o (1931), Aghdgomis ts'inaghmdeg

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There were only fifteen active churches in all of Georgia.28
During the Second World War, state policy towards religion, as is well known, changed. Stalin wanted "[religious communities] to contribute to improving the image of the USSR in the world. " 29 As a result of a general course adjustment, in 1943 the Russian Orthodox Church recognized the autocephaly of the Georgian Orthodox Church30. In the future, the Soviet religious policy varied: periods of political liberalization alternated with periods of greater rigidity. The late 1970s and early 1980s were marked by a" national awakening " of the general population31. The increased interest in religion did not go unnoticed, and in an open speech in 1974, the head of the agitation and propaganda department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party noted that people "celebrate Easter" and that "young people began to wear crosses" .32 Nevertheless, anti-religious propaganda continued until the end of the Soviet period.

In such an environment, Georgian monasticism, with its asceticism, public displays of religiosity and openly anti-Soviet sermons, naturally attracted everyone's attention.

Documents about the biography of Reverend Gabriel, especially those that covered his activities during his imprisonment

bolshevik'uri t'emp'ebistvis [The League of Militant Godless, Central Council (1931), For Bolshevik Pace against Easter]. Tbilisi

28. The struggle against the Church has been gaining momentum since 1923, especially after the creation of the Union of Militant Atheists not only in Georgia, but throughout the USSR in order to combat any signs of religiosity in society. См. Corley, F. Religion in the Soviet Union. An archival Reader, p. 76.

29. Corley, F. Religion in the Soviet Union. An Archival Reader, p. 130.

30. " In 1943 and again in 1945, Stalin received the three main hierarchs of the Russian Orthodox Church and, under close state control, allowed elections to be held to replace the Patriarchal Throne vacated by Tikhon's death in 1925," Corley, F. Religion in the Soviet Union. An Archival Reader, p. 130.

31. While the national movement recognized the importance of religion and Orthodoxy, they distanced themselves from the Church of that time and expressed their distrust of it right up to the first years of independence in Georgia.

32. 46; Central Committee of Communist Party, Office of Propaganda and Agitation (1971), Fond 14, Synopsis 46, Case N395: 451 Central Committee of Communist Party, Office of Propaganda and Agitation (1974), Fond 14, Synopsis 49, Case 451; Panjik'idze, T. (1979) Religia, ateizmi da akhalgazrdoba, tbilisi [Panjikidze, T. (1979) Religion, Atheism and Youth]. Tbilisi.

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( for more information, see below), died on October 20, 1978, during a fire at the State Archive. Thus, it is not possible to study the official archival records concerning this and subsequent periods of time. There are various unverified sources that contain some information about his childhood. For example, they claim that he took out the Gospel and read it at the age of seven.33 According to other accounts, Father Gabriel had visions of God and the Devil. 34 In 1955, in Kutaisi, Father Gabriel was ordained a deacon. February 23, 1955 he became a monk in the monastery of Motsameta (Holy Martyrs). Initially, he served in the Cathedral of Zion, and since 1960-in the monastery of Bethany. It is important to note that the monastery of Bethany was at that time one of the very few active monasteries. The service of the monks of this monastery is associated with the national liberation movement and the growth of religiosity in the 1980s.

During the survey, respondents often claimed that Father Gabriel was the first person to become a monk during the Soviet era and build a church. Father Gabriel's anti-Soviet activities are especially noted and highly approved by the faithful. He is seen as a hero 35. Books devoted to his biography, as well as the parishioners interviewed, pay special attention to the episode of May 1, 1965, when during the annual military parade, Father Gabriel burned a twelve-meter portrait of Lenin, 36 after which he was arrested and sent to a psychiatric hospital on August 3, 1965. 37,

33. ts'minda gabrieli (urgebadze) - aghmsarebeli da salosi, sakartvelos imedi, II nats'ili, shemdgeneli k'akhaber k'enk'ishvili, p'alit'ra L, tbilisi [Saint Gabriel (Urgebadze) Confessor and fool for Christ, Georgia's hope. Part II. Kakhaber Kenkishvili (ed.)] (2014), Palitra L., Tbilisi, p. 25.

34. Arkimandrit'i gabrieli (urgebadze) 1929-1995. Tskhovreba da moghvats'eoba [Archimandrite Gabriel (Urgebadze) 1919-1995. Life and Undertakings}, [http://www.monkgabriel.ge/geo/cm.gabriel_beri.htm last viewed: 2.03.2016]

Almost all respondents can recall the story that happened to Father Gabriel when he was 12 years old. Also according to these sources, during the Second World War, Father Gabriel received visitors at the age of 12, answering their questions and giving instructions.

35. См. также: ts'minda gabrieli (urgebadze) - aghmsarebeli da salosi, sakartvelos imedi, II nats'ili, shemdgeneli k'akhaber k'enk'ishvili, p'alit'ra L, tbilisi [Saint Gabriel (Urgebadze) Confessor and fool for Christ, Georgia's hope. Part II. Kakhaber Kenkishvili (ed.)], p. 33.

36. Mshvenieradze, dali: beris diadema, tbilisi, [Msvenieradze Dali] (2008): Elder's Diadem, Tbilisi, p. 11.

37. Archimandrite Gabriel (Urgebadze) 1919-1995 - Life and Undertakings.

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38. Religious respondents and biographers attach great importance to this event in the life of the saint. The most authoritative of them is Otar Nikolaishvili, who was the first to collect sermons, sayings and stories related to the name of St. Gabriel. His book, published at the author's own expense, became widely known in the 1990s and contributed to the popularity of the Reverend Gabriel 39. Otar Nikolaishvili himself was one of Fr. Gabriel's followers and knew him personally. Despite the absence of any written evidence, the materials of the interrogation became widely known. He stated that in his action he was guided by the ban on deification of an earthly person and that the image of the crucifixion of Christ should have been hung in place of Lenin's portrait.40
Another story showing open opposition to the Soviet regime, which is also very popular among believers, says: once the government decided to improve a public park near the cemetery of the Old Faith, where young soldiers killed in the War of independence of Georgia in 1921 were buried. The territory was being bulldozed. According to oral testimony, the Monk Gabriel collected bones at night, putting them in bags, and then secretly buried them again in a safe place.41 In keeping with a basic feature of popular belief, almost all stories are based on oral traditions: no written materials exist.

After his release, Reverend Gabriel was not allowed to join any church. From that moment on, he became a holy fool 42. For five years, he lived in the open air near cemeteries, participating in religious rites on weekends. According to other sources, in 1962 Hieromonk Gabriel visited the monastery in Bethany. On his return to Tbilisi, he personally built a house in the backyard of his house.

38. According to other sources, he spent 7 months in prison. Archimandrite Gabriel (Urgebadze) 1919-1995 - Life and Undertakings.

39. См. Nik'olaishvili, otar (2003), krist'es aghmsarebeli tanamedrove sakartveloshi, 2003 [Christ's Confessor in modern Georgia].

40. Ep'izodebi mama gabrielis tskhovrebidan [Episodes from the Life of Father Gabriel] [www.orthodoxy.ge/biografiebi/beri_gabrieli_tskhovreba.html, accessed on 2.03.2016].

41. Archimandrite Gabriel (Urgebadze) 1919-1995 - Life and Undertakings.

42. Salos (Greek) - imbecile, holy fool: in Georgian: (gvtis glaha).

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church. In 1962-1965, Reverend Gabriel served in the Trinity Cathedral of All Saints. The authorities demolished the church that he had built in his yard. The monk restored the church, and pilgrims visit it to this day.

In 1971, Patriarch Ephraim appointed Father Gabriel as a confessor at the Samtavro Monastery (Mtskheta) near Tbilisi. However, after the patriarch's death, Father Gabriel was exiled from Samtavro. In 1972-1990, he visited closed churches and monasteries alone or in the company of several believers.43 The main legends and legends about miracles, which are very popular among believers, date back to this period. Beginning in the 1980s, during a period of religious awakening, people began to visit Reverend Gabriel, calling him a "strange monk" 44 and receiving instructions from him. Archimandrite Gabriel died on November 2, 1995. Until 2014, he was buried in the cemetery of the Mtskheta Monastery. After his death, news spread widely that surgeon Zurab Varazashvili conducted a blood test of the deceased and reported that his body was not decomposing. This news became an important element in the belief system built around Father Gabriel.

Posthumous Veneration: at the Intersection of Official and popular Religion

The cult of Father Gabriel combines the characteristics of both individual and institutional religiosity: his followers, as well as other parishioners who identify themselves with the church, visited the monk during his lifetime, seeking his guidance. His popularity increased even more after his death. The growth of public interest in Father Gabriel coincided with the initial period of post-communist Georgia's development.

At first, information about Father Gabriel was spread by word of mouth. Later, however, information about him began to come from those who were close to him: for example, from the aforementioned Otar Nikolaishvili or the nuns at the Samtavro monastery in Mtskheta. Subsequently, his popularity increased due to the sermons of some charismatic members of the clergy, some of whom personally knew the Monk.-

43. Ep'izodebi mama gabrielis tskhovrebidan, p. 39.

44." With jokes and strange behavior, he introduced people to God, " recalls Metropolitan Seraphim (Jojua) of Borjomi and Bakuriani. Ibid., p. 51.

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Archil Mindiashvili, one of the most popular priests, is well known for his colorful sermons, which were widely distributed. Being a friend and supporter of the first Georgian president Gamsakhurdia, O. Archil was very politically active at that time.45
After the death of Father Gabriel in 1995, a mass pilgrimage to his grave began. Veneration of the monk is expressed in prayers at his grave, in stories about the miraculous healing of acquaintances, in preserving the lamp oil known as"Father Gabriel's oil". This latter is particularly popular. A lamp is constantly lit on the grave, and oil from the lamp is shared with believers who are convinced that it has healing powers. Almost all of the respondents I interviewed have been to the grave, and the vast majority of them keep "Father Gabriel's oil" at home, which plays a significant role in their daily religiosity. They use oil against pain - "they paint a cross with oil on the part of the body that hurts." "Every time I visit the grave, I always take oil with me... If you don't take it from there, there's no other place to buy it... mostly we ask for health, and when someone is in trouble, we ask for help... we ask for anything... there is always something to ask for, " one of the respondents shared. They paint a cross in oil on areas of the body or add it to food. Some Georgian migrants outside Georgia keep it together with their icons. "Oil about. "Gabriela" is the most popular healing ingredient in alternative medicine. Part of the religious practice is to place a chain with a cross on the grave so that it "absorbs healing and protective power." A middle-aged woman from Gurjaani shared: "Every time we stop in Mtskheta and visit the grave, we always take oil, kiss the grave and leave with a sense of great grace accompanying us." According to Nun Paraskeva, abbess of the Samtavro Monastery, during the August 2008 war, Georgian soldiers avoided death thanks to "Father Gabriel's oil" .46
45. There is no evidence of Zviad Gamsakhurdia's relationship to the monk Gabriel.

46. Ts'minda gabrieli (urgebadze) - aghmsarebeli da salosi, sakartvelos imedi, II nats'ili, shemdgeneli k'akhaber k'enk'ishvili, p'alit'ra L, Tbilisi [Saint Gabriel (Urgebadze) Confessor and fool for Christ, Georgia's hope. Part II. Kakhaber Kenkishvili (ed.)], p. 75.

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Most of the respondents told stories related to miracles or healings that happened to their friends or other people. Usually, these were stories about childless couples who conceived a child, or about the healing of cancer patients. Other reasons for turning to the saint were also mentioned: support in career growth, improvement of the economic situation, support in overcoming everyday difficulties, "God's help". One of the respondents explained this practice: "We have many problems, we face many difficulties, and visiting the grave gives us great relief."

There are many miracles and prophecies that took place mainly in the post-communist period, which are attributed to Father Gabriel. There are several themes that are characteristic of his prophecies and sermons. Those who knew him personally say that they were mostly connected with the present and future of Georgia. These predictions reflect the concerns of post-Soviet Georgian society about civil war, the threat of Russian aggression, a social crisis, and an uncertain future.

According to one account, in 1991, a group of young people who decided to visit Father Gabriel found him in an anxious state: "The demons gathered in front of my cell. They locked the room and hid the key, which I found in the keyhole after they left. Be careful. At three o'clock in the morning, the monk rang the bells. "Blood is being shed in Georgia," he said. The monk was referring to the tragic events that took place in the recent past of Georgia-on April 9, 1989, when a rally of Georgians demanding the restoration of the country's independence was severely suppressed by Soviet troops, which led to the death of young participants in the rally.47
Another story focuses on the political confrontation that eventually led to the civil war in the country in the 1990s. According to this story, one January night, "Father Gabriel looked up at the sky. The moon was bright-rimmed. He watched the spectacular sight in silence. But then he said it was a sign of impending disaster, war and loss." Believers are convinced that Fr. Gabriel foresaw the death of the first President of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia. In the spring of 1991, he was found in the courtyard of the Sioni Temple lamenting and prophesying:

47. Archimandrite Gabriel (Urgebadze) 1919-1995 - Life and Undertakings.

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"There will be bloodshed in Georgia"48. This prophecy has become particularly popular. For some believers, Father Gabriel is someone who foresaw political events and, in particular, the civil war. During the political and social crisis of the 1990s, Father Gabriel was a political prophet who called for reconciliation and love. Subsequently, his ability to cure the terminally ill, attested in writing by his biographers, will contribute to his even greater popularity 49.

The miracles attributed to Father Gabriel reflect the specific religious practices adopted in the Georgian religious community, as well as its financial and social problems. Therefore, attempts to "protect" bank cards from creditors and loans by placing them on the grave-a practice that was later repeatedly ridiculed-as well as visits by seriously ill people to the grave could simply mean that the general population did not have alternative ways and means to solve their daily problems.

The image of Father Gabriel: from oral narratives to Facebook pages

Father Gabriel's ideas were used by Georgian nationalists to prove that the Georgian nation is the "chosen one" and will survive the Last Judgment. This is how people close to Father Gabriel remember his words: "When the Iveron Icon of the Mother of God sets out to leave Mount Athos, the bells will ring (...) everyone will worship the Queen of heaven and earth, and television will show it. This will be a great blessing from God that the world will see, and those who are saved can come to Georgia. " 50 One of the most common beliefs says that Georgia is the chosen lot of the Most Holy Theotokos 51. And so is the official version of the church.

48. Archimandrite Gabriel (Urgebadze) 1919-1995. Life and Undertakings. cif. Nik'olaishvili, O. (2009) mama gabrielis naubari, nats'. 1. tbilisi [Nikolaishvili, O. (2009) Father Gbariel's Tales]. Tbilisi. The same tell interviews with believers from Kutaisi.

49. In addition to the stories, books report the names, surnames and phone numbers of these people.

50. Archimandrite Gabriel (Urgebadze) 1919-1995. Life and Undertakings.

51. Archimandrite Gabriel (Urgebadze) 1919-1995. Life and Undertakings.

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Father Gabriel is a religious figure often referred to by radical Orthodox communities and marginal religious groups.52 There is an organized community of believers who want to remove the Anchiskhati icon from the museum and give it to the church 53. Over the past few years, they have organized a sanctuary in front of the museum. Father Gabriel is extremely popular among the members of this community. In this makeshift sanctuary, they keep his hat. Community leader Zaza Nanobashvili was expelled from the official church. Such associations, including the clergy, often refer to Father Gabriel's words in order to support an anti-globalist and anti-modern way of thinking. It is believed that he said that " when the time of the Antichrist comes, his followers will walk the streets naked without a twinge of conscience, while the Christian will be clothed in clothes. (...) In the end, the Lord will plant three seeds in Georgia: one for men who will be ashamed of their masculinity; the other for women who will be ashamed of their femininity. The fear of God will fall upon the whole nation, and they will know that God exists. " 54 Prophecies about the time of the Antichrist emphasize the exclusivity of Georgia: The Antichrist will not reign in Georgia, and the persecution here will be much less severe.55
The image of Reverend Gabriel lives on in all sorts of forms, from oral narratives to Facebook pages. Father Gabriel's utterances, which are being distributed in the media, as well as books on-

52. There is an organized group of believers created to advocate for the transfer of the image of Anchiskhati from the museum to the church. In the last few years, they have set up a sanctuary opposite the museum and keep Father Gabriel's headdress in it. The head of the group, Zaza Nanobashvili, is excommunicated from the official church.

53. См.: Serrano, S. (2010) "From Culture to Cult: Museum Collections and Religion in Contemporary Georgian National Discourses", in N. Tsitsishvili (ed.) Cultural Paradigms and Political Change in the Caucasus, pp. 275-293. Saarbrucken: Lampert Academic Publishing.

54. "Rep'ort'azhi samtavrodan", K'viris p'alit'ra. 24.02.2014, [Reportage from Samtvro] in Kviris Palitra. 24.02.2014 [http://www.kvirispalitra.ge/martlmadidebluri/20727-qmemoval-da-mogekhmarebith-oghond- thqven-ver-daminakhavthq-mama-gabrielistsinastsarmetyvelebani.html, accessed on 10.09.2015].

55. When it comes to debates and discussions about the restoration of the monarchy in Georgia, Father Gabriel is often quoted as saying: Georgia will rise again, like Lazarus, through many difficulties and sufferings, but not before the monarchy is restored. Salvation will come when you say, " This is the end." Archimandrite Gabriel (Urgebadze) 1919-1995 - Life and Undertakings.

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his sacred biographies cover various topics, such as the preaching of universal kindness, the special mission entrusted to the Georgian nation, etc. A video recording of the opening of the grave of Father Gabriel and the removal of his body for transfer to the Trinity Cathedral (Sameba Cathedral) spread among Facebook users in 2014.56 Social networks greatly contributed to the dissemination of "sacred shots" depicting the "incorruptible body" of the monk. However, a group of skeptics who doubted the authenticity of the distributed video posted another video on the Internet in order to debunk the belief in the incorruption of the monk's body, thus contributing to the desacralization of the whole action. This example clearly shows the important role that social media can play in religious events, whether it is spreading" magic " or debunking it.

Fr. Gabriel is known for his statements that have long been part of the Internet space. His statements, images and pages dedicated to him are extremely popular on social networks 57. Narratives about him are widely spread through the media and are often very far from reality. Facebook promoted the creation of new "rituals" - the distribution of photos and utterances of Elder Gabriel as objects of worship. His quotes have become a part of pop culture on social media. In addition, popular TV talk shows (for example, "Profile" on Rustavi 2, "Another Point of View" on Imedi TV) devote their issues to Fr.Gabriel: his life, miracles and sermons.

In the offline space, the popularity of Reverend Gabriel is expressed in the display of his photos in homes, public transport, and social services offices. His photos are often used as screensavers for mobile phones.

The key themes of the statements attributed to Father Gabriel are love and repentance. "God is love" turned out to be the most popular and favorite statement among the respondents. "Love each other. Georgia will be saved by love. We are the witnesses of the Last Days. We will see the Antichrist. The Lord our God

56. Mama gabrielis saplavis gakhsnis p'irveli k'adrebi Palitra TV [The first videos of opening Father Gabriel's grave, Palitra TV] [http://www.palitratv.ge/akhali-ambebi/sazogadoeba/41828-mama-gabrielis-saflavis-gakhsna- daitsyo-pirveli-kadrebi.html, accessed on 26.04.2016].

57. Zviadadze, S. "I 'like' my Patriarch. Religion on Facebook - New Forms of Religiosity in Contemporary Georgia".

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He calls us to love God and our neighbor; everyone who stands up to the end will be saved, " is the most popular quote of Elder Gabriel on Facebook. It is not easy to determine exactly which of the statements actually belong to Elder Gabriel, and which simply reflect widespread religious expectations. Most of the respondents learned about Father Gabriel from their friends and from materials available on the Internet: "His prayers are posted on social networks, and I often share them and post them in my news feed."

But what is really important to emphasize is that none of the respondents said that they learned about Father Gabriel from their confessor or priest.

The State, the Church and the reburial of Elder Gabriel in 2014

Relations between the state and the church in modern Georgia are essentially pragmatic. Rapprochement between church and state leaders helps strengthen the power of both. The peak of cooperation falls on the period of Shevardnadze's presidential rule (1992-2003). Under Saakashvili, politicians continued to emphasize the important role of the church and their loyalty to it, but this period was also marked by some contradictions. There are areas in which both the State and the church have tried to consolidate and strengthen their own power, while at the same time emphasizing the problems stemming from the separation of church and State.58 The new government, which came to power in 2012, supported a policy aimed at rapprochement with the Church. In 2014, the Agency for Religious Affairs was established, reporting to the Prime Minister.59
58.There are very few precedents for such practices, but they do exist. The first such case occurred in 2011, when the state, despite the protest of the church, achieved amendments to the Civil Code, according to which religious groups and organizations were granted the right to register as legal subjects of public law. См: Serrano, S. (2013) "La Construction en Georgie d'une Laicite Postsovietique: Mise en oeuvre, Mise en Cause et Resistance", Revue d'etudes comparatives Est-Ouest 44(1): 77-112; Janelidze, B. (2015) "Secularization and Desecularization in Georgia: State and Church under the Saakashvili Government (2003-2012)", in A. Agadjanian, A. Jodicke, E. Van der Zweerde (eds) Religion, Nation and Democracy in the South Caucasus, pp. 63-80. London, New York: Routledge.

59. Official website of the Agency for Religious Affairs: http://religion.geo.gov.ge

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Simultaneously with the rapprochement between the church and the state, the critical attitude towards the church also increased. Until about 2010, any criticism of religion was banned. Today, the media, especially digital media, and public discussions are increasingly clearly addressing the role of the church and the priesthood, and quite often voice critical assessments of its actions. Criticism of the church's financial privileges, lack of civic responsibility, and radicalism and extremism is becoming louder in the digital media. Critical opinions are often unacceptable to the majority, but the church's untouchability is a thing of the past. The recent increase in anti-clerical tendencies and their causes is beyond the scope of our study. Nevertheless, it can be stated that some measures taken by both the church and the state can be regarded as a response to the growth of anti-clerical sentiments.

On January 5, 2014, Internet resources reported that Paraskeva's mother had a dream vision in which Father Gabriel told her that anyone who made two wishes on his grave before Christmas would see these wishes fulfilled.60 As a result, thousands of people went to the grave of Father Gabriel. The news caused fierce controversy. Some criticized the church, while others blamed the parishioners. The clergy were also critical. Archimandrite Seraphim Danelia stated that " society has become the subject of an experiment in someone's hands... such an invitation with such a specific time, place and number of wishes is absolutely unacceptable for Christianity" and that "going to Mtskheta to make your two wishes come true is not a Christian practice"61. "This is an insult to Orthodoxy and to Father Gabriel himself (...). Who said that only two will be fulfilled desires? What do numbers have to do with all this? Nothing like this exists in the Orthodox Church... It is a disgrace when we stand with our backs to the Shroud of Christ,

60. " Sasurvelia, deda p'arask'eva tu sheinanebs "["It would be good if Paraskev's mother repented"], Kviris Palitra. 7.01.2014, http://www.kvirispalitra.ge/martlmadidebluri/20170-qsasurvelia-deda-paraskeva-thu-sheinane bsq.html, accessed on 3.03.2016].

61. "Tts'm. beri gabrielis saplavtan masobrivi mots'vevebi krist'ianul movlenad ar mimachnia" ["We do not consider an invitation to mass grave of father Gabriel as a Christian practice"], Ambioni. 5.01.2014 [http://www.ambioni.ge/wm-beri-gabrielissaflavtan-masobrivi-mowvevebi-qristianul-movlen ad-ar-mimacnia, accessed on 3.03.2016].

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and we are disturbing the peace of Father Gabriel, " said Priest George Tevdorashvili 62.

The dream of Mother Paraskeva and the crowd gathered at the grave of Father Gabriel caused a great resonance among the general public. Father Gabriel's popularity and desire to witness a miracle were too great.

A month later, in February 2014, the GOC decided to open the burial site and move the remains of Father Gabriel to the church of the Samtavro Monastery. The grave of the elder and the place of pilgrimage were located in the same church yard; the church's decision was not entirely clear. The church referred to the elder's own prophecy that his grave would be opened. 63 When the Georgian Orthodox Church announced the day of the autopsy, thousands of pilgrims went to Mtskheta (Samtavro Monastery). On February 21, 2014, the roads leading to the monastery were closed to traffic, troops were deployed in the streets and around the monastery walls, and serious security measures were taken. Many people went to Mtskheta to participate in the procession, "sanctified by a miraculous power for 14 km". Hundreds of people stayed overnight in the vicinity of the monastery. They greeted the dawn of February 22 with a candlelit vigil and singing. Some asked the saint to protect their children, while others prayed for the health of their loved ones and the resolution of their economic problems. The autopsy was attended by politicians and members of Parliament, the Minister of Education, the Mayor of Tbilisi and others. They had special passes.

On February 22, the autopsy of Father Gabriel's grave was covered by all media resources. All the people found out about the elder, and stories about him were widely distributed on television. Social media played an important role in "mediating" the event. Online media covered the miracles that occurred while the grave was being opened. Nun Alicia of the Samtavro Monastery immediately attracted media and social media attention, saying that part of the story was based on her work.

62. "Sasurvelia, deda p'arask'eva tu sheinanebs" ["It would be good if Paraskev's mother repented"].

63. Despite the fact that the opening of the saint's grave is an ancient Christian tradition, the faithful emphasized the prophecy of Father Gabriel, indicating that his grave will be opened in the future. This display of popular religiosity did not contradict the official teaching of the church.

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The body of Father Gabriel was incorruptible. 64 Although journalists soon discovered that the photograph purporting to depict Father Gabriel actually belonged to another saint, this discovery did not have a noticeable impact on the later pilgrimage hype.

Since many pilgrims wanted to visit the grave of Elder Gabriel, the GOC decided to temporarily (for two months, until Lent) place the holy relics of the elder in the Sameba Cathedral in Tbilisi. People were standing in endless lines. Even those who had first heard of Fr. Gabriel now wanted to see his body. The trips were mostly organized by churches and groups of 65 parishioners. The pilgrimage to Sameba Cathedral to honor the relics of Father Gabriel was broadcast around the clock by a television channel owned by the Patriarchate.

64. "Nats'ili iqo khrts'nadi, nats'ili ukhrts'neli - rogor gamoiqureboda mama gabrielis nesht'I" [Some parts of decayed, while others remained incorruptible - the state of Father Gabriel's body], Paltra TV. 22.02.2014, [http://www.palitratv.ge/akhali-ambebi/sazogadoeba/41851-qnatsili-iyo-khrtsnadi-natsili-ukhr tsneliq-rogor-gamoiyurebodamama-gabrielis-neshti.html, accessed on 2.03.2016].

65. The majority of respondents said that they had visited the Sameba Cathedral, which became a temporary shelter for the body of Father Gabriel. They had to wait almost an entire day. One of the interviewees said that he / she went to the cathedral, but could not enter it because it was filled with a crowd. Some of the respondents even attended the opening of a grave in Mtskheta. Pilgrimage motivations can be divided into the following categories:: a) strong faith in the saint, b) hope to get support in difficulties, c)"everyone went, and I went."

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The pilgrimage to Sameba Cathedral to venerate the relics of Elder Gabriel became what Knoblauch called the Eventisierung der Religion - " turning religion into an event." The respondents made no attempt to hide their disappointment at the fact that the road to the burial site had turned into a market: "What was really striking was that there was a well-organized trade. Yes, they sold candles, but also chewing gum and balloons, as if everything sacred, connected with the holy, had turned into something else for someone." Another respondent said: "We had to wait in a long queue (...) there were guys and girls standing next to me. They laughed from time to time, and it was as if they had come here for something other than prayer. They heard that Father Gabriel's body was in Sameba Cathedral, and they decided to take a look at it. Despite this, there were people, and the vast majority of them, who were actually going to pray and believed in his miracles. My friend told me that there were people who tried to attach their bank cards to the body of Father Gabriel." At the same time, the expectation of miracles during the opening of Father Gabriel's grave was widespread, despite the fact that the priesthood did not support this opinion and opposed the manipulation of this document.

The opening of the grave and reburial demonstrated that the church and state are able to mobilize religious resources. As for the church, it did not immediately recognize the significance of the figure of Elder Gabriel. The Church did not canonize Father Gabriel until 2012, which seemed to many to be a long delay caused by internal church conflicts. Many believers who spoke out on this issue claimed that the delay was due to the fact that Fr. Gabriel often criticized Patriarch Ilia P. Theologian and head of the Tolerance Center at the Ombudsman's Office, Beka Mindiashvili, recalled how he witnessed Fr. Gabriel publicly denouncing the patriarch during his sermon at the Shio Mgvime Monastery in Tbilisi. 1990 67 Nevertheless in the biographies and publications available today-

66. "Tts'm. beri gabrielis saplavtan masobrivi mots'vevebi krist'ianul movlenad ar mimachnia" ["We do not consider an invitation to mass grave of father Gabriel as a Christian practice"].

67. Interview with Beka Mindiashvili.

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Such incidents were never mentioned in the past, and there are only oral recollections of Father Gabriel's criticisms of the patriarch. Beka Mindiashvili confirms the assumption that the Patriarchate was not unanimous about the identity of Father Gabriel, and that "the patriarch was strongly opposed to the canonization of the elder, but nevertheless decided not to go against the current, but, on the contrary, to lead this cult"68.

In surveys, respondents said that they learned about Fr. Gabriel not from their confessors, but from acquaintances. Prior to Fr. Gabriel's canonization, he was only mentioned in passing during Sunday or other sermons. The neutrality shown by the church and its attempts to distance itself from the personality of Father Gabriel were obvious. Nevertheless, the enormous popularity of Father Gabriel among the people and among the few hierarchs even before his final canonization is beyond doubt.

Later, the church managed to bring the cult of one of the most popular saints under its control, moving his relics from the "courtyard of a separate church" to Sameba Cathedral, and then to a church in Mtskheta. So Father Gabriel became part of the"official religion". Theologian Mirian Gamrekelashvili argues that the Patriarchate wants to keep this phenomenon under its control.69 As Archimandrite Levan Mateishvili explained, " the discovery of the saint's tomb is an ancient Christian tradition, but at the same time it is rooted in the 70th Bible."

68. Interview with Beka Mindiashvili. He stressed that the main reason for the "hesitation" and resistance was that Father Gabriel had denounced all members of the Synod in the past.

69. mirian gamrek'elashvili - beri gabrielis saplavi iktsa raghats sashualod - sant'ak'laussa da magias shoris - int'erviu [Mirian Gomrekelashvili - Tomb of father Gabriel has become something between Santa Claus and magic], Interview. 21.02.2014 [http://www.newpress.ge/index.php?page=4&staties_id=882, доступ от 12.09.2015].

70. ts'minda gabrieli (urgebadze) - aghmsarebeli da salosi, sakartvelos imedi, II nats'ili, shemdgeneli k'akhaber k'enk'ishvili, p'alit'ra L, tbilisi [Saint Gabriel (Urgebadze) Confessor and fool for Christ, Georgia's hope. Part II. Kakhaber Kenkishvili (ed.)], p. 62.

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A little later, in 2014, Father Gabriel's name made headlines again when one of the avenues in Tbilisi was named after him. Street names, along with monuments and banners, are an important part of cultural memory, and street renaming is a tool designed to construct a new public memory and strengthen political power.71 There was a street named after the 1905 revolution, which was renamed Kakutsa Cholokashvili Avenue , the leader of the rebel movement against the Soviet occupation in 1924. If in the 1990s political leaders came to the fore, today the names of religious figures have become the most important part of cultural memory. After the death of fr. Gabriela "almost every year, a petition was registered in the Municipality of Tbilisi to name any nameless street in his honor" 72. Petitions were signed by various initiative groups. However, they were never submitted by either political parties or the Georgian Orthodox Church. December 2 only

71. Sanger, J. (2006) Heldenkult und Heimatliebe, Stra?en-und Ehrennamen im offiziellen Gedachtnis der DDR, p. 28. Berlin: Ch. Links Verlag. Ch. Links Verlag, Berlin, p. 28. For the political functions of street names and cultural memory, see: Milo, D. (2006) "Le nom des rues", in Les Lieux de memoire. Sous la direction de Pierre Nora, II La Nation 3: 283-315.

72. Interview with Lia Jakhveladze, Chairman of the Committee of Names and Symbols of the City Center.

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In 2014, the municipality decided to rename Kakutsi Cholokashvili Avenue and part of Bohdan Khmelnitsky Street, as well as the nearby square, to 73 Gabriel Avenue, for Christ's Sake Holy Fool.

Two factors contributed to this decision: the autopsy of Father Gabriel's grave in the same year, which became a significant event for believers, and the initiative this time coming from the deputy-majority leader of the City Council Zurab Neparidze. For the political elite that came to power, it was important to demonstrate their loyalty to the voters in this way. The decision was made on October 29, 2014; on November 2 (Father Gabriel's Day), 2014, the City Council made a final decision. On the same day, a project was announced for the construction of a church dedicated to Father Gabriel in the Isani district, with funding from the city budget. Father Gabriel lived in this area, and naming one of the streets of the district in honor of Father Gabriel was one of the deputy's election promises. "I promised my voters during the election campaign that I would give one of the streets where Elder Gabriel lived his name. With the blessing of His Holiness and Beatitude, the Catholicos-Patriarch, and with the support of the City Council, the avenue named after St. Gabriel now exists in Isani. A cathedral will soon be built here, " said Zurab Neparidze.

The public discussion revealed different opinions on this issue. Director of the Literature Museum Lasha Bakradze, former Georgian Foreign Minister Salome Zurabishvili and some public figures did not support the renaming of the street named after the leader of the anti-Soviet movement and national hero Kakutsi Cholokashvili in honor of Gabriel's father. They posted their opinions on Facebook 75. The head of the Committee of Names and Symbols of the City Center did not expect a negative reaction-

73. According to information provided by the Chairman of the Committee of Names and Symbols of the City Center, Lia Jakhveladze, the Tbilisi City Council asked Father Gabriel's sister and about three thousand citizens to rename Kakutsi Cholokashvili Avenue to Venerable Gabriel Avenue.

74. Sak'rebulom kakutsa choloqashvilis kuchas beri gabrielis gamziri daarkva [City council renamed street Kakutsa Cholokashvili into Avenue Reverend Gabriel] // Netgazeti. 2.11.2014 [http://netgazeti.ge/news/36240/, accessed on 2.03.2016].

75. Salome Zurabishvili expressed a very negative opinion on this issue. In her opinion, this showed ignorance and ingratitude to the national hero. [http://www.ambebi.ge/faceambebi/115230-qmgoni-ukve-agharc-malavth-

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Actions: "Half a million people walked to the grave of Father Gabriel, so I never thought it would cause a protest (...) I was there too. " 76
As we can see, Fr. Gabriel's popularity became a source of legitimacy not only for the church, but also for the secular authorities: all members of the City Council voted for the renaming. The strengthening of the role of the church was combined with the desire of political elites to use religion as a resource of legitimization.

Conclusion

The decline of secularization theory has led to a new wave of interest in religion. This revived religion has acquired new forms associated with the actively developing popular religiosity and changes in society. The post-Soviet crisis in Georgia stimulated the rise of both traditional church institutions and new popular forms of religion. The case of Elder Gabriel is a good example of such transformations of popular religion, an example of a religious phenomenon that has emerged outside the framework of church institutions.

The image of Father Gabriel has changed from a "strange monk" to the most popular Georgian saint, the central figure of a whole new cult that combines traditional fundamental practices (worship, prayers, etc.) and marginal religiosity (political prophecies, healing oil, etc.). Since 1995, the grave of the elder has become a new shrine that attracts pilgrims from all over Georgia. The healing abilities of Father Gabriel are extremely important for respondents: they became excited when they talked about how Father Gabriel healed them or their friends. "When there was no more hope, we went to Father Gabriel's grave." In the crowd near the sacred remains of Father Gabriel in Sameba Cathedral in 2014, people from all social and age groups could be seen. This cult can take many forms. The prayer of the elder Gabriel is used as an amulet, which believers wrap around their wrists, and his icons are placed

okupantebs-rom-magrad-ustsorebth-khomq-socialur-qselshi-beri-gabrielis-gamzirs-aprotesteb en.html?add=1#ixzz3Kovo7wp5, доступ от 1.03.2016].

76. Interview with Lia Jakhveladze, Chairman of the Names and Symbols Committee of the City Council.

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on public transport, his utterances are posted and distributed on social media.

The church initially refused to recognize the elder, whose activities were developed outside its framework, but eventually established his cult and declared him part of the official church, canonizing the monk in 2012 and directly fulfilling his "prophecy" that his grave would be opened after his death. In part, the inclusion of the cult of the elder within the boundaries of the official church - an example of the institutionalization of popular religiosity - can be explained by the church's concern to strengthen its position in the face of growing anti-clericalism.

Loyalty to the official church and support for the popular religion are important for the political establishment: this was clearly reflected in the participation of the political elite in the opening ceremony of the grave of Father Gabriel or in the renaming of one of the avenues of Tbilisi in his honor. So the monk," healer and wonderworker", became a source of legitimation not only for the church, but also for the secular authorities. In 2015, the State reserve allocated funding in the amount of 65,000 lari (about 25,000 euros) for the construction of the burial site of Father Gabriel 77. Like the decision to rename the avenue, this shows the symbolic significance of religion for the modern Georgian consciousness and for the process of political legitimation. In general, the considered example, together with its broad socio-political context, reflects new configurations of religion in modern Georgian society.

Translated from English by Maria Khramova and Daria Blinova

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