Introduction: Post-war Society and the New Religious Policy

DESPITE the fact that many contemporaries either directly participated in the conduct of atheist propaganda or religious rites, or witnessed them, the actual position of religion and atheism in Soviet society in the post-war period is still poorly understood. Compared to the period of political terror that cost the church many human lives, the loss of church property and religious traditions, the Khrushchev and Brezhnev era seems relatively calm, if we do not take into account the anti-religious campaign of 1959-1964. The study of religious practices in this period is nevertheless an important task both in itself and because its results contribute to a deeper understanding of the role of religion in post-Soviet Russian society1.

The daily life of this period has recently begun to attract the attention of researchers of Soviet culture. An important work in this area is the monograph by A. Yurchak, who challenges "the constant use of binary oppositions to describe Soviet reality - such as suppression and resistance, freedom and non-freedom, official culture and counterculture, official economy and second economy, totalitarian language and counter-language, public subjectivity (public self) and private subjectivity (private subjectivity)." self), real-

1. Furman D., Kaariainen K., Karpov V. Religiosity in Russia in the 90s of XX-early XXI//New churches, old believers-old churches, new believers. Religion in Post-Soviet Russia, St. Petersburg: Letny Sad Publ., 2007.

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behavior and dissimulation, and so on"2. It shows the everyday life of the late socialism period (especially in the 1960s and 1980s), when people participated in such "ritual acts" of socialism as Komsomol meetings and elections, and emphasizes that these acts cannot be interpreted literally. They gave a new opportunity to "live easily and fun", according to Yurchak, to live "outside" 3.

In order to understand the problems of the "Soviet subject" and its attitude to public life, it is important to turn to the issues of religion and atheism. At one time, the academic study of religion and atheism developed in an area where the leading role was played by the Institute of Scientific Atheism in the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU, the State Museum of the History of Religion and Atheism, and other special organizations. Despite the obligatory mention of the main provisions of the Marxist-Leninist ideology and the use of special vocabulary characteristic of that time, the scientific works of the employees of these organizations contain a lot of material useful for characterizing Soviet society. Today, these works are being actively reviewed 4. They help explain the activities of these institutions themselves, and, ultimately, the history of the development of Soviet "religious studies" as such 5. As a result, various examples of how the study was conducted are found.

Yurchak A. 2. Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More: The Last Soviet Generation. Princeton University Press, 2006; Yurchak A. Late Socialism and the Last Soviet Generation//Inviolable reserve. 2007. N. 2 (52) (http://magazines.russ.ru/nz/2007/2/ur7.html).

Yurchak A. 3. Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More. P. 145 - 146.

4. See Questions of Religion and Religious Studies, Issue 1: Anthology of Russian Religious Studies / Comp. Yu. P. Zuev, V. V. Shmidt, Ch. 1-4: Institute of Scientific Atheism - Institute of Religious Studies of the AON under the Central Committee of the CPSU, Moscow: Publishing House "MediaProm", RAGS Publishing House, 2009.

5. Institute of Scientific Atheism (1964-1991)//Questions of religion and religious studies. Issue 1. 4.1. Moscow: RAGS Publishing House, 2009. pp. 9-36; Shakhnovich M. M. Ocherki po istorii religiovedeniya [Essays on the history of religious Studies]. SPb., 2006; Smirnov M. Yu.Ocherk istorii rossiiskoi sotsiologii religii [Essay on the history of Russian Sociology of Religion]. St. Petersburg: St. Petersburg University Publishing House, 2008; Arinin E. I. Vopros o proiskhozhdenii i sovremennom razvitii rossiiskogo religiovedeniya [The question of the origin and modern development of Russian religious studies]//Scientific Notes of Oryol State University, gon. N1, pp. 93-97; Kostylev P. N. Russian Religious Studies: yesterday, today, tomorrow (proceedings of the International Scientific Conference " Freedom of Religion and Democracy: старые и новые вызовы", Киев, август 2010 г.) (http://www.religiopolis.org/documents/850-pn-kostylev-rossjskoe-religiovedenie-vchera-segod nja-zavtra-materia-ly-mezhdunarodnoj-nauchnoj-konferentsii-svoboda-religii-i-demokratii-stary e-i-novye-vyzovy-kiev-avgust-2010.html).

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atheistic upbringing and how religiosity itself was understood. In particular, it should be noted that "religion", as a rule, was identified with church institutions, while interest in religiosity outside religious associations in Soviet religious studies was practically absent.

According to the plan of the party leaders, atheism was supposed to cover the widest field of public and private life. The general picture of Soviet atheism in the period of late socialism was shown in the work of D. Powell, which describes in detail such phases of atheist propaganda as the publication of new resolutions on the conduct of atheist work, the introduction of new socialist rites, education in schools, universities, clubs, etc.6 However, Powell does not mention a change in the terms used in official documents.

"Scientific atheism" was a new concept that combined the system of ideas, institutions and concrete measures that emerged in the post-war years after criticism of the mistakes of the previous "anti-religious" propaganda. The term "scientific atheism" first appeared in the resolution of the Central Committee of the CPSU" On major shortcomings in scientific atheist propaganda and measures to improve it " of July 7, 1954. In this resolution, we read: "to put an end to the neglect of anti-religious work, to launch scientific and atheistic propaganda." In reality, aggressive attacks against the church continued, and there was no difference between "anti-religious work"and" scientific atheist propaganda." However, some Soviet ideologists did not interpret " scientific atheism "as"anti-religious work." A little later, the resolution of the Central Committee of the CPSU "On mistakes in conducting scientific and atheistic propaganda among the population" of November 10, 1954, again emphasized the importance of conducting propaganda at a new ideological and scientific level, criticized offensive attacks and administrative interference against believers and clergy. It is noteworthy that the term "scientific atheism" appears in the 50s almost simultaneously with the term "scientific communism". After the era of Stalinism, the epithet "scientific" was considered a statement of the objective nature of a particular section of ideology.

Powell D.E. 6. Antireligious Propaganda in the Soviet Union: A Study of Mass Persuasion. Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1975.

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Of course, we must not forget that in a few years Khrushchev will begin to openly repress religion. At the same time, as is known, rapid space exploration was carried out, which the Soviet government tried to use for the establishment and dissemination of atheistic socialist cosmology.7 In this context, it was argued that only science can bring the truth to humanity. Science and technology were supposed to eradicate the belief in supernatural powers.

At the same time, it is impossible not to pay attention to the fact that in Soviet society under Khrushchev, a culture of mass entertainment began to develop and a peculiar type of consumer society was formed. Along with the development of mass tourism, museums-reserves were created in ancient cities. Previously closed churches and monasteries were turned into museums, which were considered to attract visitors for their architectural features, aesthetic value and history, but not for their religious significance.

One can notice the many-sided measures taken against religion by "scientific atheism". First, especially in relation to the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), religious (or atheistic) activities in the field of politics and personal life were very different from each other. In the period of late socialism, state-church relations are characterized by compromise. By joining the World Council of Churches, an international ecumenical organization, the Russian Church sought to strengthen its influence on the world stage. 8 In the field of foreign policy, the Russian Orthodox Church actively played the role of an ardent patriot of the Soviet Homeland. Thus, we can note both state control and the desire to use the Church, as well as attempts to maintain its influence on the part of the Russian Orthodox Church. At the same time, despite the fact that the Soviet constitution guaranteed the right to "practice religious worship", believers did not have the right to conduct religious propaganda, and many people experienced harassment in matters of baptizing children, celebrating religious holidays, etc.

Smolkin-Rothrock V.7 . Cosmic Enlightenment: Scientific Atheism and the Soviet Conquest of Space//Into the Cosmos: Space Exploration and Soviet Culture in Post-Stalinist Russia. University of Pittsburgh, 2011. P. 161.

Tsypin V. 8. Istoriya Russkoi Pravoslavnoi Tserkvi: Sinodal'nyi i noveishii spochiki 1700 - 2005 [History of the Russian Orthodox Church: Synodal and Modern Periods 1700-2005]. Moscow: Izdanie Sretenskogo monastora, 2006. pp. 490-547; Shkarovsky M. V. Russkaya Pravoslavnaya Tserkva pri Staline i Khrushchev. Moscow: Izd-vo Krutitskogo podvorya, 2005.pp. 314-331.

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religious holidays, church visits, etc. The stereotype of a religious person was an old illiterate village woman who does not have scientific knowledge and a materialistic worldview. Religious belief and practice thus prevented him from making any sort of career in Soviet society. The majority of Soviet people therefore believed that they should hide their religious affiliation.

In other words, "religion" as a belief in the supernatural was to be destroyed, but "religion" as an institution, i.e., as the Russian Church, had to play a certain role in the internal and foreign policy of the USSR. It is impossible to consider the Russian Orthodox Church as an institution of an "official religion" that occupies a certain place in public and state life.9 At the same time, it is important to note that during this period, the state policy towards religion was divided into two directions. One of them was the control over religion and its use at the official level, the other was the pressure on religion and the elimination of its manifestations from public and private life.

In order to carefully analyze these two aspects and their correlation, let's take as an example a visit to certain places - a tourist site and a place of unorganized pilgrimage. In this article, we will look at different levels of political attitudes towards religious sites and reactions of believers on the example of the Vladimir region, where a "tourist center" was created for the first time in the USSR and, at the same time, the population remained relatively religious.

A brief overview of the religiosity of the Vladimir region

The city of Vladimir was first mentioned in the "Tale of Bygone Years" in 1108, in connection with which the city celebrated its 850th anniversary in 1958. In 1157, during the reign of Prince Andrey Bogolyubsky, Vladimir became the new political center of Northeastern Russia. The period of the greatest prosperity of the city occurred in the XII-XIV centuries., when it was one of the autonomous principalities of Kievan Rus; it was recognized by the Golden Horde as the "capital city"; this official city was called the "Capital city".-

9. См. Casanova J. Public Religions in the Modern World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994.

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This status was reinforced by the transfer of the Metropolitan's residence from Kiev to it in 1299.

In 1325, Metropolitan Peter moved from Vladimir to Moscow, which was a crucial event for the growth of the hegemony of the Moscow Principality. Nevertheless, Vladimir has not lost its historical and religious significance. Churches and monasteries continued to be built in it and maintained their reputation thanks to the patronage of boyars and large merchants. The richness of church architecture is relatively better preserved here than in other cities, and even in the Soviet period attracted tourists.

The modern Vladimir region has preserved not only the church architecture, but also other regional features. Special mention should be made of the high percentage of ethnic Russians of the Orthodox faith. The first census of the Russian Empire in 1897 showed that ethnic Russians accounted for 99.74% of all 1,511,729 inhabitants of the Vladimir province (Poles-0.78%, Jews-0.75%, Germans-0.4%, Tatars-0.27%) 10. Until now, the percentage of ethnic Russians in the population of the Vladimir region remains higher (94-7%11.In 1860, there were 1,209,500 Orthodox Christians, 12.8 Old Believers, 2,500 co-Religionists, 526 Catholics, 227 Protestants, 223 Jews, and 15 Muslims in the territory of the Vladimir Governorate 12.

Relatively higher mono-ethnicity and mono-confessionality compared to other regions of Russia remained here, despite the rapid changes of the XX century. As will be shown later, Orthodox traditions, holidays, and rituals were naturally deeply connected with the daily life of the people, and the Soviet government had to fight them. Nevertheless, during the period of late socialism, the Diocese of Vladimir was relatively loyal to the Soviet authorities. The historical specificity of this region, as one of the main centers of the formation of Russian statehood, has acquired a new character.

10. The figures are given by the author in accordance with the data in the article: Minin S. N. Conditions that determine the formation and activity of religious communities in the Vladimir region//Svecha-2010: Proceedings of the International Conference. Vladimir, 2010. p. 223.

11. Peoples of Russia: Atlas of Cultures and Religions / Ed. by V. A. Tishkov, A.V. Zhuravsky, O. A. Kazmina. Moscow: CPI " Design. Information. Cartography", 2008, p. 44.

Minin S. N. 12. Conditions that determine the formation and activity of religious communities in the Vladimir region. p. 223.

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This was due to the general growth of the "order" for patriotism both at the level of the ruling regime and among the population as a whole.

In this regard, it is impossible not to pay attention to the growing public interest in historical and cultural monuments since the second half of the 1960s. In 1967, the Soviet government decided to create the first tourist centers in Zagorsk and Suzdal, where Soviet and foreign tourists were shown ancient Russian church architecture.13 This meant that local museums had to play an important role in attracting public interest in the history and culture of the Motherland, in raising patriotism, in demonstrating freedom of conscience to foreign tourists in the USSR, and at the same time in spreading scientific atheism. In addition, we should not forget that tourism in the newly opened centers of ancient Russian culture was a source of foreign currency. In the Vladimir region, the State Historical, Architectural and Artistic Vladimir-Suzdal Museum-Reserve has taken the initiative to use the church's heritage for the development of patriotism and scientific atheism. In this article, we will take as the first example the Holy Dormition Cathedral, which opened to the faithful in 1944 and at the same time became an important tourist attraction of the Vladimir-Suzdal Museum-Reserve. After celebrating the 600th anniversary of Andrey Rublev's birth in 1960, the Assumption Cathedral began to attract special attention, as Rublev's frescoes were preserved inside the cathedral.

At the same time, it is necessary to pay attention to the relatively high religiosity of the region's population. In the 1965 report of the Russian Orthodox Church Affairs Council, we read that "the Vladimir region in the past, as is well known, was not only a political, but also a religious center of Russia. (...) All this could not but leave a certain imprint on a certain part of the population. " 14 As an example illustrating this continued high level of religiosity, we will analyze the emergence and development of such a specific phenomenon as "so-called holy places". In the period of late socialism, the Council for Religious Affairs (SDR)

13. Resolution of the Council of Ministers of the USSR No. 735 of August 1, 1967 and of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR No. 693 of September 11, 1967 "On the establishment of a tourist center in the city of Suzdal".

14. State Archive of the Vladimir region (GA VO). F. P-830. Op. 3. D. 1073. L. 19-20.

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In the Vladimir region, he found nine "so-called holy places", of which at least three" places " originated in Soviet times. Believers themselves organized pilgrimages to these places and founded springs with holy water there. In the 1970s and ' 80s, such cases were frequently reported to the SDR, resulting in these sites being forcibly destroyed by "administrative measures". Thus, our second example, along with the Assumption Cathedral, will be one specific "so-called holy place" in the village of Sinzhany in the Melenkovsky district, as well as the administrative measures taken by the regional leadership.

A church and / or museum? "Struggle" around the Assumption Cathedral

Assumption Cathedral of Vladimir - the Cathedral of the Vladimir diocese and an architectural monument of the XII century, which has preserved part of the frescoes of the famous icon painters Andrei Rublev and Daniil Cherny "The Last Judgment". Immediately after the revolution, the Soviet authorities unleashed brutal repression against the religiously significant Vladimir diocese. In 1918, all religious educational institutions, including the seminary, were closed.15 The Assumption Cathedral was transferred to the Main Museum of the People's Commissariat of Education and Science and in 1923 it became a "temple-museum" 16. However, at that time, the Soviet government paid relatively little attention to this masterpiece of architecture and art. The "temple-museum" did not have a permanent exhibition, although at times it hosted separate exhibitions. Due to the lack of budget funds, the museum could not carry out the necessary restoration of the cathedral; until 1941, it did not even have the opportunity to pay for a permanent caretaker.

After the meeting of political leaders with church leaders, the repression against the Russian Orthodox Church softened, and in March 1944, the Assumption Cathedral was again transferred to the community of believers. However, at that time the cathedral was in a state of disrepair. The cathedral's rector, Priest Sergei Festinatov (the future Archbishop Onesimus), describes its condition as follows::

15. Atlas of Contemporary Religious Life in Russia//Ed. by M. Burdo and S. Filatov, vol. 2, St. Petersburg: Letny Sad Publ., 2006, p. 122.

Aksenova A. I. 16.Suzdal XX vek [Suzdal XX century]. Vladimir: "Posad", 2002. p. 68.

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(...) we were struck by the extraordinary contamination of the floor, walls of altars, and iconostasis... It was painful to the point of tears to see our all-Russian shrine in such a pitiful state and with broken windows 17.

In accordance with the agreement on the transfer of the cathedral, the plan and act of restoration could only be drawn up by the Committee for the Protection of Ancient Monuments under the city executive committee, and funds for the work had to be sought by the religious community. After the transfer of the cathedral to the faithful, Vladyka Onesimus with great difficulty collected the necessary amount, and the restoration of the cathedral and frescoes was completed by 1954.18 From this we can conclude that one of the reasons for the transfer of the cathedral to the church was the possibility of its restoration at the expense of church funds, since by this time the desire to restore the but also some enthusiastic scientists, while the authorities could not allocate budget funds for the restoration of" iconic " monuments of architecture and art.

In 1955, after the restoration work was completed, it was decided to include the cathedral in the list of attractions to show to foreign delegations.19 In this regard, it is impossible not to pay attention to the then growing interest in the iconographic heritage of Andrei Rublev. In 1949, by decree of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, the Andrei Rublev Museum was organized on the territory of the Andronikov Monastery in Moscow - in the place where the artist lived, created and left his last painting. At the initiative of the museum's director D. I. Arsenishvili and employee N. A. Demin, preparations have begun for the celebration of the 600th anniversary of A. Rublev's birth. Their ideas were supported by reputable scientists and enthusiasts, for example, art historians M. Alpatov and D. Likhachev, artist I. Grabar, and historian N. Voronin. Articles and monographs about Rublev were actively published. An article about him appeared in the Great Soviet Encyclopedia, and the Andrei Rublev Museum, where copies of his works were displayed, was opened to the general public

Timofeeva T. P.17 . Architectural and restoration history of the Assumption Cathedral//Vladimir-Suzdal Museum-Reserve. N12. Vladimir, 2006. p. 88.

Minin S., Sidrov A. 18. Heart of the Vladimir Land: on the history of the transfer of the Church of the Holy Dormition Cathedral//The light is not evening. 2002. N. 3.

Essays on the history of the Vladimir Diocese (X-XX centuries). Vladimir, 2004. p. 76. On the restoration work of the Assumption Cathedral from 1944 to 1954, see: Ibid., pp. 77-82.

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in 1960. Despite Khrushchev's anti-religious campaign, Rublev's work attracted public attention as a symbol of the" Russian Renaissance " after the victory in the Battle of Kulikovo and as one of the best achievements of art, expressing the beauty of humanity, humanism and friendly unity of people. 20 In the 1960s, A. Tarkovsky's film about Rublev was also made. 21
After the Assumption Cathedral was included in the list of objects of the Vladimir-Suzdal Museum-Reserve, created in 1958, large groups of tourists began to visit the cathedral, and the question of restoring frescoes that had long been in disrepair arose again.

For the anniversary of A. Rublev, the commission of the Academy of Arts of the USSR and the Ministry of Culture of the RSFSR examined the condition of the frescoes and came to the conclusion that the destruction of the frescoes was the result of improper use of the cathedral premises by the community of believers. According to the commission, the preservation of the frescoes "can be more fully ensured only under the conditions of the museum regime" and it is necessary to think "about withdrawing the Assumption Cathedral from the community of believers and providing it with another room"22. Believers, on the contrary, feared that "after the transfer of the cathedral to the Main Museum, it would be in danger of imminent destruction" due to a lack of budget and insufficient "loving and reverent" attitude towards the shrine on the part of this secular institution. In 1963. Vladimir-Suzdal Archbishop Onesimus petitioned Patriarch Alexy for help in preserving the cathedral. Later that year, the rural and industrial departments of the Vladimir Regional Party Committee asked the ideological commission of the CPSU Central Committee to consider again the question of transferring the cathedral to the jurisdiction of the museum.23
Alpatov M. 20. A brilliant painter of ancient Russia//Art. 1960. N 9. pp. 52-53; Demina N. A. Frescoes of Andrey Rublev in Vladimir//Decorative arts. 1960. N. 8. P. 6; Ivanova I. Andrey Rublev / / Artist. 1960. N 9. P. 47; Kuzmin N. Andrey Rublev//Novy mir, 1960, No. 10, p. 210.

21. See Takahashi S. "Andrey Rublev" by A. Tarkovsky: Interpretation of Russian History in the context of Soviet Culture//Acta Slavica Iaponica. 2011. Vol. XXIX. P. 65 - 86.

22. GA VO. F. P-830. Op. 3. D. 709. L. 12.

Maslova I. I. 23. Evolyutsiya verogovednoi politikami sovetskogo gosudarstva i deyatel'nosti Russkoy pravoslavnoi tserkvi 1953-1991 gg. [Evolution of the religious policy of the Soviet state and the activities of the Russian Orthodox Church in 1953-1991].... doctor of historical Sciences/ Moscow State Pedagogical University, Moscow, 2005, p. 228; Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI), f. 556. Op. 25. d. 154. l. 140a-142.

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At that time, the registration of religious associations was carried out by the Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the USSR (SDR). According to the Council, "at present,the question of closing the Assumption Cathedral cannot be raised", 24 since the religious life of this cathedral is very active (see Appendix 1),25 and " with the history of the Assumption Cathedral (...) believers are also connected by questions of Russian statehood." In July 1966, the Chairman of the SDR V. Kuroyedov expressed the following opinion:

Vladimir regional organizations have repeatedly raised the issue of closing the Assumption Cathedral. Of course, from the point of view of local interests, this was a blessing: the cathedral is huge, located in the center of the city, it leaves a certain imprint on the life of the city. But this cathedral is the oldest, it is known by the entire Orthodox world not only in our country, but also in all other countries, so its closure would cause an extremely negative reaction abroad, not to mention the fact that thousands of believers would be deeply offended by this act. 26
Attendance of religious services by believers

on weekdays

from 80 to 150 people.

during the middle holidays

from 200 to 500 people.

on Sundays

from 1500 to 2000 people.

on big holidays

from 2500 to 3500 people

dvunadesyatye

from 4000 to 5000 people.

during the Easter holidays

from 7000 to 8000 people.

The Assumption Cathedral was not closed to the religious community. However, the Vladimir-Suzdal Museum-Reserve and the Regional Department of Culture continuously sought to reduce the rights of the community of believers to use the cathedral. By the second half of the 1960s, tourist visits to the museum-reserve had increased dramatically (see Appendix 2).27. Against this background, the data is:-

24. HA VO. F. P-830. Op. 3. D. 1073. L. 25.

25. HA VO. F. 632. Op. 2. D. 1. L. 29.

26. GA VO. F. 632. Op. 2. D. 1. L. 27.

27. Invoice by the author in accordance with the data in the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GA RF). F. A-501. Op. 1.

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state institutions ordered that afternoon services should end by 10 o'clock, earlier than the church's norms suggested, or that they should be moved to the neighboring St. George's chapel, contrary to the procedure agreed upon by both sides. 28 In 1968, Archbishop Onesimus sent a report to Patriarch Alexy that such orders were very unnerving to parishioners and "it seems to him that our Commissioner for Religious Affairs religious affairs vol. Makarov A. I. is indifferent to the complaints of parishioners against the Museum Management, which infringes our rights to the Assumption Cathedral " 29.

Attendance at the Vladimir-Suzdal Museum-Reserve

year

1965

1966

1967

1968

1969

1970

1971

1972

1973

thousands of people.

84.9

82.6

481.7

750.1

834.3

790.7

856.6

839.1

922

In 1972-1973, when the central organizations and local authorities decided to undertake a major renovation of the cathedral, the restorers pointed out the need to temporarily transfer the daily service to the St. George's chapel for a period of up to 2 years. This decision caused extreme excitement, suspicion and indignation among the faithful. They came to the commissioner of the SDR for the Vladimir region and stated the following: "we are being deceived, the cathedral will still be handed over to the museum after repairs"; "if the headman signs the contract, they will hang him"; "we will raise up the faithful and not allow them to stop serving in the cathedral." 30 By the summer of 1974, the mood of protest among the faithful increased: "We will go to prison, but we will not give up more than one chapel of the cathedral, we are not afraid of prison";"we will shoot you, we will contact the American embassy" 31. There were up to 30 such ready-to-fight believers.

The highest hierarchs of the Church at that time, i.e. Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia Pimen (Izvekov), Archbishop of Vladimir and Suzdal Nikolai (Kutepov), as well as the rector of the cathedral D. Netsvetaev, agreed to the repair. Under the general agreement, the religious community that is the "customer" should have

28. Documents without numbering Archive of the Vladimir Diocese. Report to Patriarch Alexey from Archbishop Onesimus of Vladimir-Suzdal dated April 3, 1968, etc.

29. Ibid.

30. HA VO. F. 632. Op. 2. D. 1. L. 68-69.

31. GA VO. F. 632. Op. 2. D. 1. L. 109.

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pay for repairs, and the Moscow Patriarchate agreed to allocate 400 thousand rubles from its own funds.32 In July, Archbishop Nicholas of Vladimir and Suzdal had to persuade the parish's executive body: "A person endowed with reason should keep what his ancestors left him." 33 In response, Archbishop Nicholas heard from a believing woman: "Vladyka, do not interfere in the affairs of the community!"34. The clergy had to show loyalty to the Soviet authorities in the Vladimir region in order to preserve the Church 35. However, as we have already seen above, the policy of the authorities could meet with protests from believers.

During such unrest, the SDR commissioner for the Vladimir region, A. I. Makarov, insisted on measures of persuasion. He considered it necessary "to strengthen explanatory work among the population in order to exclude the facts of religious fanaticism among some believers. The Vladimir CC of the CPSU should allocate a group of experienced agitators and propagandists to work with believers. " 36 Finally, in 1974. The Assumption Cathedral was closed, services were moved to the St. George's chapel, and a major interior restoration was carried out in the cathedral itself, which lasted until 1982. 37

However, after the renovation of the cathedral, the museum-reserve again tried to limit the activities of the religious community by installing the "instruction manual for the operation of the Assumption Cathedral". According to the draft instruction, the service in the cathedral was to be held on the days of the twelve feasts and on Sundays from 7 to 9 o'clock in the morning and from 18 to 18 o'clock in the evening. Excursion groups had to be allowed into the cathedral every day, except Mondays, on weekdays from 10 to 17: 38. In addition, the museum demanded to limit the number of worshippers and forbade the use of any candles in the memorial cathedral.

32. HA VO. F. 632. Op. 2. D. 1. L. 103.

33. HA VO. F. 632. Op. 2. D. 1. L. 104.

34. HA VO. F. 632. Op. 2. D. 1. L. 112.

35. See Atlas of Contemporary Religious Life in Russia//Editor's note. Burdo M., Filatov S. T. 2. P. 122.

36. GA VO. F. 632. Op. 2. D. 1. L. 109.

Minin S. N. 37. Pages of the Cathedral's recent history//Aspiration in Eternity: Paterik of the Holy Dormition Cathedral of the City of Vladimir. Vladimir, 2008.

38. HA VO. F. 632. Op. 2. D. 4. L. 49.

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The museum's unfair demands were not accepted by the faithful. Commissioner of the SDR for the Vladimir region A. Makarov pointed out that the instruction does not take into account previous agreements with the executive body, i.e. it ignores the rights of believers. 39 After a long discussion, an instruction was approved that expanded the scope of use of the cathedral by the 40 community. Disputes between the parish assembly and the museum-reserve continued through the mediation of the SDR commissioner, who, according to the documents, tried to resolve issues in order, on the one hand, "to preserve this unique monument, and on the other - not to infringe on the rights of believers"41.

In the struggle for the Assumption Cathedral, the faithful relied on the opinion of the "twenty" and "executive body", independent of the opinion of the diocesan bishop, and could ask for help by sending their petitions directly to the SDR. These documents use such words as "arrest", "prison" , etc., which indicate that their authors perceived the attitude of the authorities towards the church as repressive and coercive. At the same time, they were not afraid of punishment from the authorities, although it is not known what they thought about the possibility of such reprisals. However, the SDR did not seek to prohibit or destroy the religious activities of believers in general. On the contrary, the Council attached great importance to individual and explanatory work. Thus, we can conclude that groups of believers were able to express their wishes without the risk of administrative retaliation, since they operated within the framework of legal organizations.

"So-called holy place": voluntary religious action in an atheist society

Recognizing themselves as the successors of the history and traditions of Ancient Russia allowed residents of the Vladimir region to maintain a relatively high level of religiosity, especially in rural areas. Here, atheistic work was carried out very formally, and the regional authorities were indifferent to these problems.

39. HA VO. F. 632. Op. 2. D. 4. L. 54.

40. GA VO. F. 632. Op. 2. D. 4. L. 61. In accordance with the new instruction "the service in the cathedral is held on the days of the twelve feasts and on Sundays from 9 to 12 o'clock and from 18 o'clock".

41. HA VO. F. 632. Op. 2. D. 4. L. 54.

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A new phenomenon was that, beginning in the 1960s, the Soviet government tried to introduce "socialist rites" and" new traditions " instead of religious rites.42 In 1968, when the Komsomol regional committee checked the atheistic work in the Vyaznikovsky district, located in the eastern part of the Vladimir region, it turned out that only 51% of newborns and 65% of newlyweds were registered in accordance with the "new traditions". New civil rituals were often conducted without proper preparation, not grandly, not interesting. The report recognized that "it is no accident that after such 'celebrations' parents often take their children to be baptized in the church. " 43 For example, in the village of Mstera, out of 55 children registered officially, 26 were then baptized in the church.

Often there were also cases of children being baptized by Komsomol members and party members. In 1969, a member of the Komsomol district committee bureau answered the question: "Why didn't they take measures against Komsomol members who baptized their children in the church?": "And whether it is worth doing this, because the Komsomol Charter does not say about this anywhere" 44.

Thus, high religiosity was preserved in rural areas, while a formal attitude towards new traditions in the spirit of "scientific atheism"spread. For many people, performing official Soviet rituals did not contradict behavior in accordance with religious traditions. The appearance of holy sites, which were referred to in official documents as "so-called holy places", also testifies to the religiosity of the local population. According to the SDR certificate, there were nine such "places"in the Vladimir region.:

1. Church of the Intercession on the Nerl, Vladimirsky district.

2. The bank of the Klyazma River in Vladimir (Epiphany Holiday).

3. "Holy Key" in the village of Grigorovo, Lyakhovsky district.

4. "Holy key" in Melenki.

5. "Holy Key" in the village of Chersevo, Gus-Khrustalny district.

6. A spring called "three keys", located near the inactive chapel in Gus-khrustalny.

42. See Lane C. The Rites of Rulers: Ritual in Industrial Society, the Soviet Case. Cambridge University Press, 1981.

43. HA VO. F. P-830. Op. 67. D. 130. L. 3.

44. HA VO. F. P-830. Op. 67. D. 130. L. 30.

45. HA VO. F. 632. Op. 5. D. 14. L. 23-25.

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7. A spring located on the bank of the Oka River in Murom.

8. The house of the Suzdal nun Agrippina Soloklova in the village of Kliny, Yuriev-Polsky district.

9. Grave of "Saint Abram (Gregory)" in the cemetery of Sinzhany village, Melenkovsky district.

All the holy places, except the "House of Agrippina", were connected with the water, where people celebrated Epiphany and the Day of the Holy Trinity. People gathered from several dozen to several hundred. It is interesting that some holy places clearly originated in the Soviet period, unlike places that the people revered by tradition. One of these new places appeared near the village of Sinzhany, Melenkovsky district. In 1943, Elder Abram (Grigory) died in the village, and it was reported that he was " blind from birth, walks winter and summer with his head open, barefooted with his toes falling off from the frost." According to the tradition of the "common Russian people" , the villagers saw in his aphoristic statements and behavior something "mysterious and generally prone to foolishness", and they decided to "surround him with an aura of ascetic and God-pleasing" 46. Judging by this information, the inhabitants of the surrounding countryside revered the elder as a "holy fool". The concept of a fool for Christ's sake, or a blessed one, refers to people who have given up reason for the sake of faith, material goods, relationships with family and relatives, and are wandering barefoot in rags. From the 14th to the 16th centuries. The Russian Orthodox Church canonized such believers, so foolishness is usually considered a phenomenon characteristic of medieval Russia.47
Abram (Grigory) was born in 1868 in a poor peasant family in the village of Loshchinino, Ryazan Province. As a child, he came to the city of Melenki and wandered around this region, and then recognized the village of Sinzhany as the "land of Israel" and stayed there forever. His name was Abram, but before his death, he bequeathed that his funeral service should be held by Gregory , his baptismal name.

For the last five years of his life, Gregory lived with Anna, who was known for her piety, and gave visitors predictions in the form of a fabulous narrative. Modern

46. HA VO. F. 632. Op. 5. D. 14. L. 5.

47. Christianity: Encyclopedia, vol. 3 / Edited by S. S. Averintsev, A. N. Meshkov, and Yu. V. Popov, Moscow: Bolshaya Rossiiskaya Entsiklopediya, 1995, pp. 286-287.

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residents of the village recall that Grandfather Grigory predicted not only the marriage of girls, the return of sons from the front, but also the abdication of the last tsar from the throne, as well as the change in the country's position in the world after the Cold War. Unfortunately, there are no written materials about Gregory, but local people have preserved their memories of him, and one woman collected them after 2001. Today, the printed version of this material is kept in the City Museum of Melenkov 48. In it, quite probable information and facts are juxtaposed with obvious fantasies, such as the meeting of Grigory with Nikolai P. In this article, we use this text along with our own interviews with villagers and archival materials.

After the death of Gregory, people began to gather at his grave on July 18, the day of his memory. According to the materials of the SDR Commissioner for the Vladimir region, 100-150 people gathered annually. "Local authorities have banned these fees, and the implementation of this is supervised by the local police," the SDR 49 certificate says. However, the meetings did not stop.

During these years, there was no functioning church or priest in the village. If the inhabitants invited priests, they played a minimal role in the veneration of Gregory. People buried Gregory according to church rites, called the priest, but the priests did not support this initiative and did not participate in meetings at his grave. Local pensioner A. Zakharova, as the village head, took the initiative to hold religious events, including a prayer meeting at the grave of Gregory. In 1972, the local authorities took action by summoning her to a meeting of the administrative commission of the district executive committee, where "she was fined and severely warned for her illegal actions." 50 After her "arrest", reports to the SDR commissioner from 1974 to 1979 reported that the mass meeting at the grave "did not take place", only a few elderly women "came in an unorganized manner"51.

In other holy places, local authorities organized "folk festivals" and similar celebrations on the day of the intended person.-

48. Biography of the Righteous Gregory of Sinzhansky. Local History Museum of the Melenkovsky district.

49. HA VO. F. 632. Op. 5. D. 14. L. 5.

50. HA VO. F. 632. Op. 5. D. 14. L. 7.

51. HA VO. F. 632. Op. 5. D. 14. L. 8-12.

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meetings of believers are held. In Sinzhany, according to the recollections of local residents, on the days of meetings, police squads stood around the cemetery and tractors circled 52.

The spontaneous display of veneration of" saints "somewhat resembled pagan and" sectarian " gatherings. At the official level, activities in the spirit of official scientific atheism were supported by "administrative measures", i.e. arrests, interrogations, physical interference in the lives of believers, etc.At the same time, manifestations of faith outside the control of the Church and the Council were considered a violation of the law on cults, and the initiators were fanatics who should be punished.

Only after the collapse of the Soviet Union did new legends about the events of those years and a kind of "lives of saints"appear among the people. Now the diocesan commission is preparing documents for the glorification of Elder Gregory as a locally venerated saint. Despite the fact that during the Soviet years his life was shrouded in mystery, in the post-Soviet village began to collect materials about his life, which were published in the district center of Melenka. Now, not only from the nearest settlements, but also from Moscow and other cities, fans go to his grave. A "holy spring"was created not far from the grave.

Conclusion: Two types of religious behavior

When believers think about the Soviet era, they often mention such phenomena as mass church closures and the pressure exerted on them to reduce the role of religion in public life. Religious practices, faith in saints, and wearing crosses and icons were seen as typical behaviors of ignorant and marginalized people, such as poorly educated elderly women. The Soviet authorities closely monitored such behavior inside and outside the church fence.

At the same time, Soviet society in the post-war period saw an increase in the role of the Church in foreign and domestic policy. The example of the Assumption Cathedral shows how the highest church authorities, including in the person of its bishop, tried to preserve the influence of the Church by cooperating with state organizations-

52. Author's interview with local residents on 18.07.2010 in the village of Sinzhany, Melenkovsky district, Vladimir region.

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mi. On the other hand, the Council for Religious Affairs, in turn, supported some church initiatives to control the Church within the framework of existing laws. Individuals may have disturbed this balance of power because it was more important for them to serve their personal religious needs than to preserve the church's influence. This was especially true for those who did not need an official position in society (issues of admission to universities, a good salary, career growth and social privileges) and therefore were not afraid to oppose themselves to the authorities.

The example of the behavior of believers in Sinzhany village has much in common with the case of "fanatics" in the Assumption Cathedral. However, any gatherings of believers outside the church were subject to administrative harassment due to their illegality. In other words, in the village of Sinzhany, the faithful suffered more than the members of the community of the Assumption Cathedral. The examples we have given show that many religious people did not change their beliefs and behavior depending on the situation. In contrast, the authorities followed a policy of double standards, differentiating official and unofficial religious behavior. As long as people did not go beyond the limits allowed by the authorities, they had a certain degree of "freedom of conscience", while outside these limits strict penalties were applied. Such a paradoxical attitude to religion in Soviet politics is one of the reasons why the society of late socialism gives the impression of ambivalence.

Bibliography

Archive materials

Archive of the Vladimir Diocese.

Report to Patriarch Alexey from Archbishop Onesimus of Vladimir-Suzdal, April 3, 1968

State Archive of the Vladimir Region (GAVO).

F. R-632 (Commissioner of the Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the USSR for the Vladimir region).

F. P-830 (Vladimir regional Committee of the CPSU).

State Archive of the Russian Federation (GA RF).

F. A-501 (Ministry of Culture of the RSFSR).

Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI).

F. 556 (Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPSU for the RSFSR (1956-1966)).

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Local History Museum of the Melenkovsky district. Biography of the Righteous Grigory Sinzhansky.

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