Introduction

Issues related to the study of the semantics of animal - style art and the reconstruction of the worldview of the Scythians and related peoples who inhabited the steppes of Eurasia in the mid-second half of the first millennium BC are debatable. The more than century-old history of Scythian art interpretation has reflected a shift in scientific paradigms-from focusing on ancient mythology, from studying the historical semantics of pictorial monuments in the framework of studying the "paleontology of thinking" and "stadiality of superstructure phenomena" to developing a method of "reading the text" of pictorial monuments of the Eurasian steppes of the Scythian period and recent experiments in reconstructing the "mentality" of the Pazyryk culture.

The study of the semantics of animal-style art of the Eurasian population of the first millennium BC is traditionally associated with interpretations along the lines of "totemic", "magical" and "mythological" concepts. This division is rather arbitrary, since the totemic interpretation of the nature of the animalism of the ancient nomads of Eurasia is usually combined with the interpretation of images based on hunting or military magic. The authors of these works, when analyzing the semantics of the Scythian-Siberian animal style, focus on shamanistic ideas or myths of hunters; the research approach combines the desire to find the roots of this art in the worldview of hunting societies in Eurasia. The "mythological" concept does not exclude the recognition of the magical purpose of artifacts with images and is actually connected with the theory of totemic classifications, which are equally reflected in both myth and visual art.

Discussion of the issue

Totemism, magic. The idea that the content of Scythian art is connected with totemism and magic was expressed by N. P. Kondakov, who believed that the images of animals in Scythian toreutics could serve as totems (images of deer, bull), military emblems (lion, griffin), and the embodiment of the soul of the deceased (birds) [1929, pp. 16-31].. The concept of the "theriomorphic worldview" of the nomads of Eurasia was proposed by A. Alfoldi; he drew on the mythology of the Ural-Altaic peoples, whose totemic beliefs were similar to those of the northern Iranians, to interpret the animal art of the ancient nomads (Alfoldi, 1931). A. Alfeldi read the semantics of the tormenting scene in the light of the Finno-Ugric totemic myths about the persecution of the female (doe) by the male totem ancestor (predator). This approach was developed by D. Laszlo, who interpreted the scene of a deer being tormented by two predators as a story about the hunt of two brothers-totem ancestors of two different phratries - for a doe-totem of the third phratry (Laszlo, 1972,

The work was carried out within the framework of the program of the Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences " Adaptation of peoples and cultures to changes in the natural environment, social and technological transformations "(project 21.2).

page 87

p. 107-109], and A. Farkas, who saw in the scene of the struggle of animals the myth of killing and tearing apart the totem ancestor in order to create a person and acquire culture [Farkas, 1977]. J.-G. Anderson, interpreting the works of toreutics from Eastern Eurasia (the collection of Lou includes the so-called Ordos bronzes) [Andersson, 1932], put forward a hypothesis about hunting magic as the ideological basis of the art of animal style. Proponents of reading animal-style Scythian art plots in the light of Ural-Altaic mythology turned to the archaeological sites of Western Siberia and Central Asia.

In Soviet archaeology in the 1930s and 1940s, the concept of totemism and magic as the content of animal-style art was developed by V. V. Golmsten, who considered animal images on weapons totemic signs. In her opinion, in the scenes of torment and struggle, animals "are totems-symbols of a certain social group", and the entire composition is made with the aim of "harming a hostile group through its totem" [1933, p. 113, 117]. V. V. Golmsten considered the art of Pazyryk culture to reflect a certain "stage" of development of the "cult image of the beast", which was depicted as a totem on weapons. Since the semantics of subjects and images change with the development of social relations, Pazyryk art, which expanded its "sphere" as tribal relations decomposed, records a "departure from the consciousness of blood connection with the totem" and a" transition " of animal images from weapons to accessories of horse equipment "due to its magical significance" ([Ibid., p. 113]; cf.: [Sorokin, 1978]).

S. S. Chernikov believed that the Saka animal style reflected "remnants of ancient totemism", which connected images of animals with the forces of nature, and as symbols these images were placed on cult objects, "in particular, on the ritual costume and other accessories of tribal sorcerers-shamans" [1965, p. 135]. A. N. Bernshtam interpreted the scenes of torment in Saka art differently; in his opinion, the struggle of the clans is represented in these monuments by depicting the confrontation of their totems [1952, p. 49]. N. L. Chlenova saw the totemic basis of animal images in Tatar art [1967, p.129].

Experiments to reconstruct the worldview of the Pazyryk people as a source of information about their economy based on the interpretation of finds from the First Pazyryk Mound were proposed by leading Scythologists M. P. Gryaznov, S. I. Rudenko and S. V. Kiselyov in the 1930s-1940s. The interpretation of the semantics of the horse mask with deer horns was based on the position of the linguistic theory of N. Ya. the deer as a means of transportation" stadially " preceded the horse, and therefore, in different languages, the terms denoting deer were later transferred to the horse that replaced the deer on the farm [1926]. After M. P. Gryaznov's excavation of the First Pazyryk Mound in 1929, the fact of" masking "a horse or transforming it into a deer was used for a long time as a textbook argument for substantiating this theory, and archaeological materials were understood" as preparations specially made to illustrate well-known linguistic propositions " (Marr, 1929, p.324). Proponents of this concept believed that in the sphere of the cult of the Pazyryk people, the veneration of the deer, whose place in real life by the middle of the first millennium BC, was "preserved". It was occupied by a horse that was disguised "as a deer" when buried with a person (Gryaznov, 1937, 1950; Kiselyov, 1951).

S. I. Rudenko first interpreted the horse mask from the First Pazyryk Mound as a reflection of a" religious relic "associated with ancient reindeer husbandry," preceding horse breeding", but later refused such an interpretation [1953, p.226]. The development of the views of the major "pazyrykologists" M. P. Gryaznov and S. I. Rudenko on this issue took place against the background of the initial dominance and subsequent debunking of Marr's ideas, including the "stages" in the development of vehicles by the population of Eurasia and the reflection of the stages of this process in the language. At the same time, their conclusions about the "preservation" in the worldview and cult of Pazyryk people of memories of the economic way of life based on "ancient reindeer husbandry" were not taken into account in reconstructions that concerned the archaeological cultures of Gorny Altai. S. I. Rudenko, M. P. Gryaznov, and S. V. Kiselyov did not consider any of the known cultures of the Bronze Age to be reindeer herders in the Altai, nor did they speak of any migration of reindeer herders to the Altai. It is significant that the idea of" ancient reindeer husbandry", formed as a result of interpreting only one find in the light of Marr's linguistic postulates -a horse mask from the First Pazyryk mound-has not been confirmed in the complex of any more or less representative archaeological sources; this, in my opinion, would have been completely impossible if with the help of a transport vehicle, the Reindeer husbandry was indeed associated with the economic structure of the ancient Altai population (see [Cheremisin, 2005]).

In the 1970s, the totemic concept of animal style semantics was developed by A.D. Grach, who believed that animal images primarily express totemic representations of early nomads of different ethno-cultural zones of Eurasia. Scenes of torment A. D. Grach perceived as a reflection in art

* See also: Gryaznov M. P. Pazyryk. Burial of a tribal leader in Altai. 1940. The manuscript. - Department of Archaeology of Eastern Europe and Siberia, State University. The Hermitage Museum.

page 88

animal style of real events of the confrontation of clans or military-political alliances of the era of the disintegration of the tribal system [1972]. According to A.D. Grach, animal-style plots were intended to glorify the triumph of the victor, the apotheosis of war, the right of the strong, glory and victory, and "the combination of the totemic primary basis and the magical meaning of objects and plots of works of Scythian-Siberian art was the basis of the semantics of these works" (1980, p.83). Established tradition defines the content of Scythian animal art as a reflection of totemism. Thus, A. A. Neihardt, in her work devoted to the historiography of Russian Scythology, noted that "the animal style primarily indicates the predominance of totemic representations in the religion of the Scythians" ([1982, p.213]; see: [Dovatur, Kallistov, Shishova, 1982, p. 39]).

Numerous interpretations of the monuments of Scythian-Siberian art were based on the totemism of primitive hunters, as well as on commercial, sympathetic or military magic. In addition to archaeologists, ethnologists and folklorists turned to totemism and magic as the basics of the art of the nomads of Eurasia, determining the origins of the mythological systems of the peoples of Siberia in the antiquities of the Scythian era. For example, the Turkologists A.-M. von Gabin and J.-P. The authors who studied the mythology of the peoples of North Asia interpreted the scene of tormenting the "Scythian-Siberian" toreutics as "the struggle of peoples who are different totems" or as the embodiment of sympathetic magic: "the attacking predator is identified with the human hunter, and this is the magical significance of these works of art" [Roux, 1966, p. 95, 172].

Some researchers explained the magical semantics of the art of the early nomads of Eurasia not by hunting, but by the military life of the steppe pastoralists. According to I. V. Yatsenko, "the magical content of the animal style has its roots in ancient totemic ideas," but the purpose of this art is to endow the warrior - the owner of objects with images of animals, primarily weapons - with the attributes of these animals, and therefore the images of animals "emphasized what killed the victim... and what helped to track it down" [1971, p. 131-133]. K. F. Smirnov believed that the main character of the Scythian-Siberian art of animal style is magical, and animals in images symbolize certain qualities (vigilance, strength, dexterity and courage in battle) [1976, p. 75, 88] A. P. Smirnov considered images of animals in the subjects of Scythian art to be amulets that protected people from harm and gave them the qualities of a beast [1966, p. 167]. Shkurko defined animal style as "an undivided unity of social, ethical, aesthetic and religious components", the social basis of which was the military aristocracy, and the religious basis was magical ideas [1976, p. 44].

Proponents of the" mythological "approach criticized this understanding, considering it an example of the" dismemberment " of the components that make up the nature of style. Critics of such approaches saw a tendency to archaize Scythian society and the level of social relations of the Iranian-speaking population of Eurasia in defining the ideological basis of animal-style art as a combination of totemism and hunting or military magic, in focusing on the worldview of primitive hunters. The magic concept itself was understood as a conclusion that could not be deduced from the analysis of archaeological sources, as a theory constructed a priori and applied to pictorial monuments (see Dudko, 1985).

G. A. Fedorov-Davydov argued in more detail the way of interpreting the subjects of Scythian art, who believed that animal-style objects served as amulets, amulets and apotropaea: "ancient animism and animatism endowed the image with the qualities of a living being capable of helping a person." The apotropee is not the image of an animal, but what the researcher calls an "animal object", in which the image of an animal is inseparable from the thing [Fedorov-Davydov, 1976, pp. 22-24]. Creation of fantastic characters on the example of images of the Pazyryk art of GA. Fedorov-Davydov explained the desire to get a stronger amulet; in line with this assumption, he interpreted the scene of torment as the process of penetration of one animal into another in order to become its "useful part". As a result of combining parts that were not connected in nature, mystically embodying various qualities of animals, "super-synthetic" creatures were obtained, the most powerful apotropea, in which a fleet-footed deer would merge with a powerful tiger (Fedorov-Davydov, 1975). The researcher's idea about the close connection of images with the artifacts on which they were placed seems very productive, but it is unlikely that the purpose of objects with images in the animal style can be reduced only to the magical function of the amulet.

In the discussions of the 1970s and 1980s, approaches to the interpretation of animal-style art based on hunting and military magic were criticized by proponents of the"mythological concept". The tendency to artificially isolate "magic" as the basis of visual art from the general belief system seems unfounded, since the concept of magic is usually used as a general designation for various rituals and their corresponding beliefs. According to I. M. Diakonov, " magic... there are a number of ways to influence natural forces using metonymic-associative methods.

page 89

It reflects exactly the same state of thinking as mythology" [1990, p. 181].

A "mythological" concept. Archaeologists who have developed a different approach to analyzing the semantics of Scythian-Saka art since the early 1960s, in particular D. S. Rayevsky and E. E. Kuzmina, pointed out that it is impossible to explain the phenomenon of animal style by expressing exclusively magical ideas, referring to the fact that in the history of mankind there has never been an era in which reflection in relation to Arutyunov, 1982, p. 140). D. S. Rayevsky showed that the hypothesis about the exclusively magical meaning of animal-style images does not correspond to the level of development of the Scythian religion.

Ya. A. Sher, defining the methodology for studying the semantics of ancient art, in particular rock paintings of Central and Central Asia, points out that "mythical images, rituals and magical actions are parts of a single ritual-mythological modeling system", in which magical actions, spells, hymns were correlated with the figurative structure of fine art [1980, p. 4]. 258-262]. The myth, which functioned as a universal sign system, was actualized in a ritual designed to ensure world order. According to V. N. Toporov, it was the ritual that was the cradle of fine art [1982, p. 18]. E. E. Kuzmina proposed an interpretation of the plot of the confrontation between a pair of animals (horses and camels), based on the correlation of the Avestan hymn Tishtriya and the texts of magic spells in Sogdian, read during the rite of calling rain, with the plots of images [1978, pp. 105-106]. The principles of partial magic may be reflected in partial images of animals, accentuated specific features of animals, "zoomorphic transformations" , etc.

Thus, we can talk about the magical component of the mytho-ritual picture of the world and the probable correlation of magical actions and ideas about the quality of weapons, clothing, or ritual attributes with subjects and images of fine art, but it is impossible to explain the phenomenon of animal style by expressing exclusively magical ideas or embodying totems of ancient tribes. Researchers who did not deny the magical purpose of attributes with animal-style images avoided singling out magic as the main cause of animalism in the Scythian era. According to M. I. Artamonov, at the level of religious thinking that the population of Eurasia reached in the first half of the first millennium BC, zoomorphic characters "played the role of amulets" and at the same time "embodied evil and good cosmic forces that filled the world" [1968, p.45]. Originating in the art of the Near East and associated with the "Iranian dualistic worldview", these images served as apotrope-amulets, on the one hand, and embodiments of cosmic forces, on the other. By M. I. According to Artamonov, the ideas about the struggle of opposing natural forces, characteristic of the Iranian religious worldview and reflected in the imagery of the Ancient East, were reworked in the expanses of Eurasia in accordance with local beliefs and totemic traditions, an example of which in the Altai are the Pazyryk horse masks and the image of a "man-beast with deer horns" on a felt carpet from the Fifth Pazyryk mound [1973, p. 235].

In connection with the discussion on the problems of linguistics (1951) and the criticism of Marrism (including the theory of stadiality and Marr's "japhetic theory", which were the focus of research on the historical semantics of pictorial monuments in the framework of the study of the "paleontology of thought"), the "mythological" concept was discredited in a certain sense. However, the works based on a strict source analysis, such as K. V. Trever's research on ancient Iranian written and pictorial materials, have not lost their significance. In this direction, in the 1920s-1940s, employees of the State Academy of the History of Material Culture K. V. Trever, I. I. Meshchaninov, A. A. Miller, L. A. Matsulevich worked with monuments of the Scythian - Sarmatian era. Mythology as the basis of Scythian art was considered lost, and sources relating primarily to the Asian part of Eurasia did not allow us to reach the level of reliable interpretations.

The "mythological" concept of semantics of animal-style art developed against the background of the formation of the structural-semiotic direction, the work of the Tartu School on the theory of sign systems, the latest discoveries of monuments of the Scythian era in Eurasia, and the development of methods for reconstructing public relations based on archaeological sources. The most reliable results were obtained during the implementation of semantic reconstruction methods by D. S. Raevsky, E. E. Kuzmina, A. K. Akishev, B. I. Mozolevsky, S. S. Bessonova, D. G. Savinov and other archaeologists within the framework of the" mythological " concept of the content of Scythian-Siberian art. D. S. Rayevsky significantly expanded the possibilities of studying Scythian-Saka mythology and art, giving a detailed description of the Scythian religious and mythological system as part of ancient Iranian mythology [1977, 1985]. The main source for reconstruction was the plot images on precious cult vessels, deciphered by him as a graphic expression of the ethnogonic Scythian legend. At the same time, D. S. Rayevsky showed that the predominance of zoomorphic characters in Scythian-Saka art is associated with the "autonomous anthro".-

page 90

pomorphic code in a way of modeling the world", zoomorphic images of which form a stable sign system "designed to adequately express the Scythian model of the world" [1979, p. 74; 1985, 2003].

A significant contribution to the study of the semantics of animal style art was made by the works of E. E. Kuzmina. The researcher considers the Scythian-Saka animal style as a sign system of the non-written peoples of Eurasia, as "the embodiment in the visual arts of the entire structure of their thinking, their mythology and folklore" [1977, p.119]. E. E. Kuzmina's works devoted to the analysis of the content of Scythian art are characterized by a transition from random Iranian analogies to a systematic analysis of Scythian spiritual culture as part of Indo-Iranian mythology (see, for example, [Kuzmina, 2002]).

A number of original studies by E. V. Perevodchikova are devoted to the development of the problem of the "language of animal images" of Scythian art [1979, 1980, 1994]. Of fundamental importance are the results of the works of E. V. Perevodchikova, which were carried out in order to identify pictorial ways of embodying the animal style of the ancient classification of the animal world in art by identifying a set of image features. The researcher, sharing the point of view that in the art of animal style "certain ideological ideas were expressed through zoomorphic images", showed that when differentiating characters of the Scythian animal style, various methods of interpreting different groups of animal images served as markers of different spheres of the universe [1994, pp. 13-16, 24-27]. K. Akishev proposed a reconstruction of the meaning of the ensemble of zoomorphic characters as an expression of the Saka "model of the world" in the ceremonial dress of the "golden man" from the Issyk mound. Reading the semantics of animal images, as shown by A. K. Akishev, is one of the ways to reconstruct the Issyk "cosmogram" [1984].

It should be noted that supporters of the" mythological "concept consider the concept of "totemism" differently from researchers who share ideas about the totemic nature of animal-style images. K. Levi-Strauss 'concept of totemism as a primitive classification system [Levi-Strauss, 1962; Levi-Strauss, 1994, pp. 37-110], which formed the basis for the development of ancient classifications, including the "mythopoetic" tradition, cosmological, social models, etc., was adopted by ethnologists, archaeologists, and cultural scientists. Animals in such systems of classification of phenomena of the natural and cultural world "act as one of the variants of the mythological code" - zoomorphic, some elements of which "have a permanent meaning assigned to them" and play the role of peculiar classifiers [Toporov, 1982; 1987b, pp. 440-448].

Shamanism. The antiquities of the Pazyryk culture have often been interpreted in the light of the popular concept of shamanism in the 20th century. The main source for shamanic readings of the Pazyryk realities was the complex of the Second Pazyryk Mound. F. Khanchar defined the person buried in this mound as a shaman [Habcar, 1952], with which S. I. Rudenko categorically disagreed [1960, pp. 322-323] . S. S. Sorokin [1978], F. R. Balonov [1987], G. N. Kurochkin (1988, 1992, 1993, and 1994) referred to the idea of f. Khanchara, expanding the possible perception of the "shamanistic coloring" of the Pazyryk culture as a whole. At the same time, S. S. Sorokin and F. R. Balonov considered it possible to see in the Second Pazyryk burial Mound a shaman of "high rank", closely connected with the spirit world and, possibly, performing the functions of a leader.

Studying the worldviews of the early nomads of Altai, S. S. Sorokin turned to the purpose of Pazyryk artifacts and the iconography of a number of zoomorphic images [1978]. His versions and approach to elucidating the reasons that led to the depiction of real and fantastic animals on saddle pendants, the body of a leader from the Second Pazyryk Mound, and nails in the lid of a deck from the Big Berel Mound are very interesting [Ibid., pp. 182-189]. S. S. Sorokin proposed an interpretation of the Pazyryk pictorial complex based on the fact that "shamanism in the form that is well known to us from ethnographic materials already existed in the Altai in the middle of the first millennium BC"; the leader from the Second Pazyryk mound could be a shaman, and animal figures on a horse bridle and a sarcophagus from the Berel mound-images of good spirits from the pantheon of early nomads of Altai.

In the mid-1980s, G. N. Kurochkin in a series of publications offered his interpretation of the semantics of elite burial complexes of the Pazyryk culture, the content of pictorial subjects and the purpose of the ensemble of ritual attributes, based on the vision of the origins of shamanism of the Siberian peoples in the archaeological sites of the early nomad era in the Altai. He defined the Pazyryk burial ground as a "corporate cemetery of high priests", considering that Altai was the "sacred center of the Scythian world" [1993]. The basis was a very limited range of sources, for example, embalmed bodies of buried people with tattoos, musical instruments, including a resonant "drum-tambourine". The methods of interpretation of the pictorial complex of the Pazyryk culture (for example, the analysis of plots on a felt carpet from the Fifth Pazyryk mound) [Kurochkin, 1988, 1993; Zuev, 1992], which allowed the authors to reveal the shamanic "coloring" of the Pazyryk culture, seem to me to be unfounded, and the conclusions are given by an a priori attitude to a certain completely artificial culture.

page 91

a constructed variety of shamanic beliefs - "Scythian-Siberian shamanism" and the desire to present the Pazyryk burial ground as a corporate cemetery of the priestly aristocracy.

G. N. Kurochkin associated the materials of not only Large Pazyryk mounds, but also ordinary mounds in the sources of Chui with the reflection of shamanic ideas about the structure of the universe, comparing the pictorial series of Pazyryk headdresses with the structure of the "shamanic" picture of the world, attributes of shamanic rituals, etc. [1988, 1992, 1994]. The Second Pazyryk burial mound by a priest and shaman, and allowed for the possibility of defining images of fantastic beasts of his tattoo as images of animals of the "astral world" seen in a trance state, thus "materialized" and penetrated into the human world [2003, p.375].

In the light of the data on the Pazyryk culture obtained in the course of research on the Ukok plateau by N. V. Polosmak and V. I. Molodin, such phenomena of the Pazyryk culture as mummification and tattooing lose their "shamanic" uniqueness. As for the "shamanistic coloration" of musical instruments found in Pazyryk - horn "drums" (see: Rudenko, 1953, p. 324-325), after the research of V. D. Kubarev on Yustyda (1991, p. 68), N. V. Polosmak in Ak-Alakh I (mound 1) [1994b, p. 25, 28, fig. 18] and Ak-Alakha III (mound 1) [2001, p. 198, fig. 133], and V. I. Molodina in Verkh-Kaldzhin II (mound 1) and Verkh-Kaldzhin II (mound 3) [2000a 102; p. 113, fig. 142] it became clear that they are horn vessels of a goblet shape. The discovery of such "drums" on Ukok in situ in the compartment for utensils in a row with ceramic and wooden vessels [Phenomenon..., 2000, p. 71, Fig. 62; p. 95, fig. 102; p. 113, fig. 142; p. 146, fig. 175, 4] allows us to conclude that these products are not musical instruments and can hardly have any relation to "Pazyryk shamanism".

Thus, the "shamanistic coloring" of the Pazyryk culture is only a consequence of erroneous attribution of artifacts ("drums" as attributes of a shamanic cult), as well as an arbitrary reading of the content of rituals (interpretation of the Pazyryk mummification in the light of ethnographic Siberian materials as a posthumous (?!) "initiation into shamans"). and pictorial subjects (allegedly "shamanic" content of images on felt carpets from the Fifth Pazyryk mound). The development of such interpretations was the "meta-constructions" associated with determining the places of the "sacred centers" of Eurasia in the era of early nomads, with the restoration of the history of movements of these centers, as well as experiments in ranking archaeological cultures according to the degree of their "ideological load".

It is more productive not to search for correlations between "unique", extraordinary in completeness and preservation, or simply unusual archaeological materials and individual elements of shamanism of the peoples of Siberia, but to analyze the myth-ritual complex of the early nomads of Eurasia in the context of the Indo-Iranian mythological tradition. The cultural features recorded for the Scythians and other Iranian-speaking peoples, which some researchers compared with shamanic ones, apparently go back to the elements of the myth-ritual practice of Indo-Iranians, which are typologically similar, according to G. M. Bongard-Levin, E. A. Grantovsky, K. Meili, G. Nyberg, F. Fussman, J. Kellens, F. Gignoux and others, with "shamanic complex " Siberian peoples. More often, however, archaeologists prefer either to see images of shamans of the past in masked or zooanthropomorphic characters of rock art in Central Asia and Southern Siberia [Bokovenko, 1996], or to determine the shamanic character of a "religious" system based on the characteristics of funerary rituals of carriers of certain archaeological cultures [Kuzmin, 1992]. Turning to the subjects of the Pazyryk wooden carving, imbued with "ideas of struggle and circulation", ON. Bokovenko even identified the presence of a "northern variant of Buddhism", which, in his opinion, was, along with Zoroastrianism and shamanism, an integral part of the "Sayan-Altai" religious system of the nomads of Central Asia [1996, p. 41]. V. D. Kubarev was also inclined to interpret some motifs in the decorative and applied arts of the early nomads of Altai as "numerous". symbols of Buddhism" or some "proto-Buddhist symbols" [1984]. In my opinion, there is no reason to identify elements of Buddhism, Zoroastrianism or any other ancient religions in the Pazyryk archaeological complex.

Esotericism. A completely original direction in the interpretation of archaeological sites of Southern Siberia, including visual ones, possibly related to the ancient myths about arimaspas and vultures, is associated with the works of DA. Machinsky. According to the researcher, arimasps, who were considered one-eyed, can be correlated with the" three-eyed "stone sculptures of the Okunev culture in the Minusinsk basin, where the ancient" sacred center "was located, which was" the most important fact of the prehistory of the religious life of Scythia " [1996, p.3; 1989, 1995, 1997]. According to A.D. Machinsky, this center arose in connection with the migration of native speakers of the Afanasiev culture, and in the Early Iron Age, for some reason, it "moved" to the Altai. The most detailed concept of A. D. Machinsky, which he calls only a "system of associations", is described in the work " Unique

page 92

sacred center of the third-mid-first millennium BC in the Khakass-Minusinsk basin " [1997]. Associations connect the data of the ancient tradition of describing the "eastern regions of Scythia" and the author's analysis of the Okunev culture's visual complex. Having studied the "development of Okunevskaya pictorial tradition" and its content based on the publications of Siberian archaeologists, A.D. Machinsky considered it possible to compare ancient information about Arimaspas and Hyperborea with stone sculptures of the Khakass-Minusinsk basin [1997, pp. 270-273, 275-277]. Content refers to the reproduction on the Okunev stelae of esoteric knowledge about the "multi-layered human energy field", which is also reflected in the Indo-Tibetan esoteric tradition. The "Single eye on the forehead of the Arimasps", who inhabited the "north-eastern third of Kazakhstan" in the Aristean era, but came there from the east [1996, p. 4], is nothing more than the "ajna chakra", an organ of extrasensory vision shown on Minusinsk sculptures. Thus, according to A.D. Ancient authors, describing the Arimaspes as one-eyed, recorded the traditions of esoteric knowledge of the inhabitants of the unique South Siberian "sacred center" of the Bronze Age, which "moved" in the Scythian era from the banks of the Yenisei to the expanses of the Altai.

In my opinion, these conclusions are based on an intuitive esoteric approach to the interpretation of archaeological artifacts and written sources. The ideas of northern Buddhism - Vajrayana-are proposed to be correlated with the Afanasiev and Okunev archaeological sites. It is significant that there is no justification for these allusions. Machinsky is served not by the major works of indologists such as T. Y. Elizarenkova, Y. Gonda, or L. Renoux, but by the works of modern mystics and theosophists. At the same time, the method of revelations and intuitive associations is not verified, and axiomatic knowledge is not verified by rational judgments. For example, the identification of the "sacred stratum of Arimasp society" - "one-eyed clairvoyants" [1996, p.5] - seems to be the author's interpretation based solely on extrasensory reading of sources.

Meanwhile, based on such associations, the researcher combines numerous facts of the cultural history of Eurasia from the Mediterranean to Southern Siberia in the range from the third to the first millennium BC. e. The center of "intensive sacralization" wandering between the Yenisei and Altai is determined both by mapping archaeological realities and by elements of the ancient Iranian worldview, arbitrarily linked by DA. Machinsky with Southern Siberia. It is interesting that N. Y. Kuzmin, based on the results of studying the genesis of shamanism from archaeological materials, forced the Eurasian "sacred center" to "travel" in the opposite direction, i.e. from the Altai to the Yenisei [1992, p.128-129]. Thus, the nature of sources and the depth of associations allow the authors to move the" sacred centers "of Eurasia both from west to east and from east to west, as well as to determine the peculiar synthetic nature of the spiritual culture of the Sayano-Altai population:" the symbiosis of Indo-European and shamanistic ideas is particularly pronounced in the Pazyryk mounds of Altai " [Ibid., p. 128].

A.D. Machinsky notes that the monuments of the Afanasyev culture are known in the Altai [1996, p. 8-11], and "the sacral center, apparently, moves from the VI century BC to Gorny Altai", where in the materials of burials belonging to the "corporation" of "high priests-shamans" (according to the author). G. N. Kurochkin), " the development of many topics can be traced... Afanasiev-Okunev religious tradition" [Machinsky, 1997, p. 280]. D. A. Machinsky sees not only solar signs, but also "signs of the third eye" in the Pazyryk headbands of "especially richly decorated horses" [Ibid.]. However, the round shape of the horse's head plate seems to be a completely insufficient argument in favor of identifying traces of "experiencing Afanasiev-Okunev religious themes" among the Pazyryk people.

Thus, the mystical-intuitive way of understanding the Eurasian cultural realities makes it possible to do so. Machinsky at the level of associations to match archaeological sources with fragments of evidence of ancient authors. In addition, this method allows us, in a certain sense, to create a new Hyperborean myth about "sacred centers" in Siberia - on the Yenisei and Altai. It seems that the level of reliability of such "meta-constructions" is determined by the methodology of their construction within the cognitive field, where the generally accepted criteria of objectivity based on the principles of Cartesian science do not apply. The postulated "shamanistic" content of the Pazyryk culture, the identification of "sacral centers" in Eurasia, the" history "of the movement of these centers, the introduction of "esoteric" readings of archaeological realities in historical reconstructions of the "early history of religious life in Scythia" [Machinsky, 1995, p. 57-60; 1996, p. 3; 1997], and interpretations based on based on the "sensitive" associations of visual art subjects, in my opinion, they do not give grounds for the territorial definition of "land of the Arimasps".

At the same time, an appeal to the prehistory of the story itself about the struggle of Arimasps and vultures, or, in terms of esotericism, to its "past life", is of undoubted interest, primarily from the point of view of reflecting in it the mythological ideas of its creators. The opinion of G. M. Bongard-Levin and E. A. Grantovsky that the legend of the Arimaspes

page 93

and vultures goes back to the common Aryan ideas about the afterlife, allows the ancient story about the struggle of Pygmies with cranes (Homer, Iliad, III, 5-7) to see a direct parallel to the "Scythian myth". Based on a comparative analysis of numerous variants of such a plot about the struggle of fantastic characters, giants or dwarfs with birds (data from the Iranian and Indian mythological traditions), we can conclude that all versions are based on Indo-European mythology (Zaporozhchenko and Cheremisin, 1997). It is reconstructed as follows: teratological creatures live on the border of the worlds - guards of the entrance to the other world - one-eyed giants, noseless dwarfs, pygmies, snakes and other monsters. Only fantastic birds can enter the "other world", entering into fierce battles with its guards and delivering the souls of the dead" there", and" from there " - new life (drink of immortality, in later versions - gold). Evidence of the archaic nature of the original mythologeme can be, on the one hand, similar motifs in the mythology of the Dards and infidels of the Hindu Kush, and on the other-the plot of Norse mythology about the theft of the honey of poetry by Odin, according to J. R. R. Tolkien. Dumezil, - a common Indo-European, or myth about the theft of golden apples by the eagle-like giant Tiazzi, and in revenge One deprives Tiazzi of sight. Both the "Scythian" and ancient versions include the original text, but only in an inverted form - griffins turned into guards of gold, and arimasps became its stealers. The ancient tradition preserves several versions of the original myth, which were contaminated with each other and became, thanks to Aristeas and Herodotus, the common place of later historical and geographical works. The Greeks, apparently, owe the updating of the gryphonomachy variant to the Scythians. Materials from archaeological sites in Eurasia (the Fifth Pazyryk Mound, sarcophagi from Vulcha) confirm the idea of M. I. Rostovtsev about the possible connection of this plot, in particular images of scenes of Geranomachia in the paintings of the Pygmy crypt in Kerch, with the funeral cult [Ibid., pp. 83-90].

An extensive literature is devoted to the ancient tradition of Arimaspes, which dates back to Aristaeus of Proconsesus and has become a common place of historical and geographical writings. The presence in ancient and "Greco-Scythian" art of the story of the confrontation between a man and a fantastic griffin causes archaeologists to turn to this topic. All the pictorial monuments depicting this story (kilik from Vulci, Kelermes mirror, kalaf from Bolshaya Bliznitsa, etc.) emphasize the "Scythian" character of the myth (clothing, headdresses, weapons of barbarians), which allows us to see in it a reflection of the Scythian legend preserved by ancient authors. According to D. Bolton, the story of the struggle of the Arimaspes with vultures dates back to the Scythian epic (to the legends of the Issedons), which Aristaeus introduced to the Greeks (Bolton, 1962).

Historical interpretations traditionally take into account the location of the "gold-guarding vultures" and the one-eyed arimasps fighting with them for gold near the Ripei Mountains. Carriers of various archaeological cultures of the Bronze Age and Scythian period are hypothetically identified with Arimasps, but ethnogeographic definitions of researchers are contradictory and unreliable (ancient information about the Ripeian Mountains at the end of the earth hypothetically correlated with almost all significant mountain systems of Eurasia; the characterization of Arimasps as equestrian warriors who caused the movement of nomads "from the depths of Asia" is applicable to a wide nomadic environment etc.) (see [Cheremisin, 1987]).

The griffin is one of the main characters of the epic tradition preserved by ancient authors. The gryphon is a central figure that embodies a mythological character, whose image in the art of the Scythian circle cultures in Siberia actually allows researchers to project the ancient myth of the Arimaspi and the "gold-guarding vultures" on the archaeological materials of Southern Siberia-the Altai and the Minusinsk basin. The predominance of the image of the griffin in the art of the Pazyryk culture became the basis for correlating the information of Herodotus, dating back to Aristaeus of Proconess about the "gold-guarding vultures", with the carriers of the Pazyryk culture (S. I. Rudenko, N. V. Polosmak). The topic "The Pazyryk Griffin and modernity" is particularly relevant for Altai (see: Marsadolov, 1996; Samushkina, 2006).

The image of a fantastic " bird "on the coat of arms of the Altai Republic, a new regional sub - state entity, is officially defined as" gryphon-Kan-Kerede"; it combines an image dating back to ancient mythology and a character of the Altai epic associated with Vedic Garuda and Lamaism. In the character depicted on the republican coat of arms, the features of the Pazyryk iconography of the image are clearly reproduced; the real prototype is the figure of an eagle griffin on a saddle tire from the Second Pazyryk mound* [Rudenko, 1948, p. 15, Table CV, 1]. L. S. Marsadolov, based on esoteric (astrological) definitions, considers it possible to determine gryphon as

* The authors of the album published by Ak-Chechek publishing house, which is a compilation of photographs of the most striking archaeological artifacts of different eras and cultures from the territory of Gorny Altai, reproduced the Republican coat of arms on one page with this image of a griffin from the Second Pazyryk mound [Ancient Mounds..., 1998].

page 94

a character of the dark underground dead astral world " [2003, p. 372]. In his opinion, it was this "astral beast" that destroyed the dynasty of Pazyryk leaders, and the symbol associated with the image of the griffin on the coat of arms of the Altai Republic adversely affects the social development of the region [2003]. Discussions about the" harmful "or" benevolent " impact of this symbol as a coat of arms on the modern life of the region are still being held in Gorny Altai at the level of state structures, in the Kurultai, etc. until now; the last surge of disputes is associated with the release in 2006 of an anniversary coin with the image of the coat of arms of the republic, which once again testifies to the relevance of semantics research characters of the Pazyryk animal style.

Imitation. It is necessary to evaluate another recent trend in the study of the worldview of the Scythian-era Eurasian population, especially since we are talking about the spiritual culture of the Pazyryk culture carriers. P. K. Dashkovsky, in a series of thesis publications and in his PhD thesis, proposed reconstructions of the social structure and "the system of worldviews of the Altai population of the Pazyryk time" [2002]. The sources of information about the "worldviews" and the peculiarities of the "mental development of Pazyryk people" [Ibid., p. 4] were archaeological materials, anthropological definitions and results of paleogenetic analyses, articles and monographs of researchers-archaeologists, works of specialists in various scientific disciplines ("literature on theoretical aspects of studying the social and spiritual sphere of society").), materials of religious studies, historical science, linguistics, psychology, ethnography, as well as "religious and philosophical sources" [Ibid., pp. 4-5]. The use of a " system-structural approach "to the study of these sources, according to the author, allows us to reconstruct several worldview complexes - at least two, since we are talking specifically about the" worldviews " of Pazyryk people.

Subsequently, P. K. Dashkovsky, in collaboration with A. A. Tishkin, undertook a "structural and analytical" study of the objects of the Pazyryk culture[ Tishkin and Dashkovsky, 2003, p. 244], materials of the funeral and memorial rites of the Pazyryk people, and finally defined their religious and mythological system as a synthesis of the Iranian religious tradition ("Mazdaism" in its Mithraic version) shamanism as an "earlier form of religion", elements of the Indo-Iranian religious tradition and Indo-European beliefs [Ibid., pp. 277-279]. In addition, the co-authors, according to them, recorded the "translation of archetypes" in the rituals and art of the Pazyryk people and other "trends in the ideological and mental development of the nomads of Central Asia" [Ibid., pp. 280-284]. Judging by the title, this paper deals with several different worldviews of the Altai population of the Scythian era.

In my opinion, the conclusions obtained are not related to the actual reconstruction of the Pazyryk mythforital complex based on archaeological materials; they are the result of applying the methods of sciences traditionally applied to the corpus of sources other than archaeological sources. As a result of using the methods of analytical psychology, which the co-authors call "structural-semiotic psychoanalysis" [Ibid., p. 125], in particular personality psychology (which is hardly acceptable in relation to the psychology of members of a generic or potestar society), any archetypes can be seen in the study of funerary archaeological complexes in the latter. In the burials "and in the art" of the Pazyryk people, the authors managed to find archetypes in the sense of how they are interpreted by medicine and psychoanalysis, and not by cultural studies (among the Pazyryk people, according to the reconstructions of the co-authors, these are the "Hero archetype", "Self archetype", "World Tree archetype" and "many other" archetypes) [Ibid., p. 284]. The "complexes" recorded by the authors among the Pazyryk people - "the horse complex" and "the universe complex" - are perceived as far from archaeological definitions [Dashkovsky, 2002, p. 21; Tishkin and Dashkovsky, 2003, p. 279]. What methods were used to establish this and how the numerous "archetypes" in art were manifested are not specified in the publications, but P. K. Dashkovsky and A. A. Tishkin claim that they were able to determine the "translation" of archetypes. Turning to comparative religious studies and the history of religion allowed them to identify in the" religion "of the Pazyryk people elements not only of Zoroastrianism, but also of "classical Mazdaism", or "a variant of Western Iranian beliefs", as well as shamanism, etc. [Dashkovsky, 2002, p. 19-21; Tishkin and Dashkovsky, 2003, p. 277, 283].

These results and the methods of obtaining them seem to me to be unfounded. With such an approach to the "sources" mentioned by the co-authors, it is hardly possible to single out the actual Pazyryk worldview, the specifics that distinguish the ideology of the carriers of the Pazyryk culture from any other. Maybe that's why the work of co-authors always deals with several different "worldviews"? In my opinion, the basis for reliable historical reconstructions is the definition and study of the real cultural context of certain complexes of artifacts. Within this context, the sphere of representations of cultural carriers or their worldview is recreated, but not the various "worldviews", unless the notorious "mentality" and "mentality" of Pazyryk people are understood as several worldviews [Tishkin and Dashkovsky, 2003, pp. 120-126]. P. K. Dashkovsky in numerous publications-

page 95

The author highly appreciates the personal contribution to the reconstruction of the" worldviews "of the Pazyryk culture bearers and the fixation of their" mental development", in my opinion, groundlessly linking the special possibilities of understanding the world of ideas of the ancient nomads with the methods of analytical psychology and even suggesting experiments in"psychoarchaeology". However, strict methodological requirements are not taken into account when referring to the theory of archetypes (see [Rayevsky, 1998, 1999]). For example, the "World Tree archetype" discovered by the co-authors does not belong to archetypes, but is a cultural model developed by V. N. Toporov in his works. The reconstructions of "worldviews" made by P. K. Dashkovsky and A. A. Tishkin on the basis of "literature on theoretical aspects of studying the social and spiritual sphere of society", in my opinion, are not such at all; rather, they can be defined as an imitation of a real reconstruction, decorated with many footnotes to the works of F. A. Tishkin. Braudel, M. Weber, L. Fevre, J. Derrida, M. Eliade, E. Fromm, C. Jung and his followers, etc.

It is significant that the co-authors, implementing their own "system-structural approach", in a specific reconstruction of the worldview and mythological representations of the Pazyryk people, created by N. V. Polosmak and based not on citations, but on an interdisciplinary synthesis in the study of sources [Polosmak, 1992, 1993a, b, 1994a, b, 1996, 1997, 1999, 2002a, b], were able to determine only the methodological basis of her work "on a rather complex topic", assess the "high level of processing of archaeological material" and see grounds for constructive criticism. At the same time, they were not at all interested in the results (which should have been taken into account in their own analysis of the "worldview system"), although the researcher, according to their condescending estimates, successfully reconstructed "certain beliefs and rituals of the early nomads of Altai" (Tishkin and Dashkovsky, 2003, pp. 89-91).

The latest experiments in reconstructing the worldview of Pazyryk residents and discussions about the nature of animal-style art. Examples, in my opinion, are historical reconstructions, including ideological ones, made on the basis of the corpus of archaeological sources of the Pazyryk culture by M. P. Gryaznov [1937, 1950, 1956, 1961]* and S. I. Rudenko [1948, 1953, 1960, 1961], in many ways, they saw the historical realities reflected in different ways. in the archaeological complex of the Great Pazyryk mounds. A new stage in the study of the Pazyryk culture is associated with the works of S. S. Sorokin, V. D. Kubarev, D. G. Savinov, A. S. Surazakov, L. S. Marsadolov, Z. S. Samashev, A.-P. Frankfort and other archaeologists, who discovered and investigated mass ordinary Pazyryk monuments and more rare burials of the nobility (Berel). At the end of the 20th century, a new body of extremely informative sources was obtained and understood in the course of research of the undeveloped complexes of Ukok (excavations by N. V. Polosmak and V. I. Molodin) [Polosmak, 1994, 1996, 1997, 1999, 2000a-g 2001; Molodin, 2000a, b, 2003; Phenomenon..., 2000; Polosmak Molodin, 2000]. New data that form the basis for various reconstructions were also obtained as a result of continuing research of the Berel burial ground [Samashev et al. 2000; Samashev and Mylnikov, 2004] and materials from Large Pazyryk mounds (Balonov, 1991; Barkova, 1984, 1985, 1987, 1995, 1999, 2003; Barkova and Pankova, 2005; Polosmak and Barkova, 2005].

N. V. Polos'mak proposed a reconstruction of the worldview and mythological representations of the Pazyryk people based on the study of the latest materials from excavations on the Ukok plateau [1997, 1999, 2000a-g, 2001]. Having as a subject of research a unique corpus of sources, and as a starting point data obtained as a result of an interdisciplinary synthesis of natural and humanitarian sciences, N. V. Polosmak turned to the content of rituals (the practice of mummification), costume, men's and women's headdresses and hairstyles, tattoos of Pazyryk people. As a result of her research, N. V. Polosmak proved a number of conclusions that allow us to present many aspects of Pazyryk society in an ethnographic approximation. N. V. Polosmak investigated the cultural ties of Pazyryk people and the context of burials of representatives of different social status; a special place in her works was occupied by subjects related to the study of the "female sphere" in the culture of ancient pastoralists of Altai.

Many of Polosmak's conclusions, based on subtle observations and deep analysis, are directly related to subjects and images of fine art; some of them (images of fish, griffin, "phoenix") are devoted to sections of monographs or individual articles. However, the visual complex of Ukok or only the burial grounds of Kuturguntas and Ak-Alakha did not become the subject of special research, and in the reconstruction of the worldview and mythology of the Pazyryk people, the "zoomorphic" code as one of the variants or one of the components of the mythological code was not specifically studied in detail by her. At the same time, N. V. Polosmak's conclusions about the headdresses, hairstyles, clothing of the Pazyryk people, horse decoration, etc. can serve as a starting point for reconstructing their mythological ideas.

For the first time discovered fully preserved samples of hats, for example, confirmed

* See also: Gryaznov M. P. Pazyryk...

page 96

our ideas about the place and role of zoomorphic details of headdresses, a large series of which was already known from the excavations of ordinary Pazyryk burials at the source of the Chuya River. Thanks to the excavations of N. V. Polosmak, the body of sources for many categories of burial equipment has been significantly increased, which makes conclusions about the role of certain classes of artifacts and the place of certain images in the structure of the burial complex much more reliable, and reconstructions - more reasonable. N. V. Polosmak strictly adheres to the methodology of historical reconstructions, offering a panorama of possible readings in the light of data from the ethnography, folklore and mythology of the peoples of Siberia. The researcher is very cautious about interpreting "information" about social status, marital status, etc., which is embedded in women's hats and hairstyles, believing that only the symbolism of the headdress can be reliably judged [2001, p. 155].

No less valuable are the results of the study of undeveloped permafrost burials investigated by V. I. Molodin in the Verkh-Kaldzhin burial ground and other Pazyryk mounds in Ukok (Molodin, 2000a, 2003; Phenomenon..., 2000; Polosmak and Molodin, 2000, 2003). V. I. Molodin noted a number of regularities in the formation of the Pazyryk archaeological complex and raised the problems of interpreting the purpose of a number of sites. ritual attributes, in particular the pommel of headdresses and neck ornaments. He used Pazyryk visual materials to solve problems related to the historical fate of the Pazyryk culture, which, along with the problem of its genesis, became the subject of special research within the original author's concept [2000b; 2003, pp. 157-163, figs. 107-109].

In my opinion, even for the Pazyryk culture, which has preserved a huge body of archaeological evidence due to permafrost, usually destroyed by time, the position that for the reconstruction of mythology "fine art is the only or at least the most authoritative source of information, because it creates conditions for reconstructions that are impossible on the material of other sources" is relevant [Toporov, 1987b, p. 485]. Actually, M. P. Gryaznov evaluated the pictorial complex of the First Pazyryk mound in the same way, believing that "the bulk of images... in Pazyryk... it represents images of religious content and allows us to establish the peculiarities of the worldview and religious beliefs of the early nomads of Altai"*. "Monuments of fine art... introducing us to the range of ideas and ideas of the Pazyryk society. .. represent the greatest value for studying precisely these issues" [Ibid., p. 356].

M. P. Gryaznov believed that such ideas were formed, perhaps, long before the era of the early nomads and in their further development served as the basis for the formation of the worldview of the modern peoples of Altai. According to the researcher, only in one complex of the First Pazyryk mound on 206 plaques, applications and bronze products ranging in size from 0.05 to 1 m and more, there are images of 11 different animals and fantastic monsters in 45 variants. According to him, all the animals depicted are representatives of the local fauna, " mythical monsters and ... real animals are depicted on the same objects, in the same places, with the same visual techniques, often together in one composition... It is obvious that both monsters and real-life animals are one category of images" [Ibid., p. 72]. Most of the artifacts from the First Pazyryk Mound, as noted by M. P. Gryaznov, were made specifically for burial. In his opinion, the visual art of Pazyryk suggests that the early nomads of Altai had "ideas about the division of the world into three parts-the earth, the sky and the underworld"; the inhabitants of each of them were "different in degree of power" characters.

Conclusion

A review of the history of the development of research strategies in the study of the semantics of the animal style of Eurasia allows us to conclude that it is possible to comprehend the content of plots and images of this art. The study of the semantics of animal-style art is part of the reconstruction of the mythological representations of the Scythians, Saks, and other Eurasian peoples of the first millennium BC.The analysis of images within the framework of the "mythological" concept of the content of plots and images seems to be the most productive. Experiments in reconstructing the semantics of animal-style art are based on the method of "reading the text" of pictorial monuments of the Eurasian steppes of the Scythian period [Kuzmina, 1983; Rayevsky, 1985], which involves studying at different levels - the level of mythological universals, in the context of common Indo-European and Indo-Iranian mythologems, to which the recorded phenomena of the spiritual culture of the Iranian-speaking peoples of the Scythian era go back. and at the level of Scythian ideas proper.

In my opinion, when reconstructing the worldview, the most productive approaches are those related to the implementation of methods of semiotic research of the content of Scythian art and mythology. To dan-

* See also: Gryaznov M. P. Pazyryk... - p. 365.

page 97

some scientists are critical of this research area. Thus, V. A. Korenyako made an attempt to transform ideas about the art of the Scythian-Siberian animal style [2002a]. D. S. Rayevsky's reconstructions, in his opinion, are a demonstration of the allegedly unsatisfactory state of the practice of applying methods that only claim the status of "structural-semiotic", since they focus on studying the content of images. According to V. A. Korenyako, the adherents of the "structural-semiotic method" did not pay enough attention to syntactics and pragmatics as sections of semiotics. V. A. Korenyako casts total doubt on the proposed approaches to the interpretation of the nature of this phenomenon (definition, definition of social, emotional, psychophysiological and aesthetic foundations, conclusions about artifact production technology and semantics specific images and compositions, as well as the etymology of ancient ethnonyms) within the framework of their own "endogenous" hypothesis, according to which the origins of animal-style art are connected with the subculture of hunters - trappers-participants in round-up hunts, whose prey was live animals. Taking into account images "not noticed" by archaeologists, such as the arbitrarily interpreted figure of a boar on a mirror from the burial ground of Zhilanda, landscape zoning of Scythian monuments in the territory of the Stavropol Territory, poetic descriptions of hunting in literary monuments of modern and modern times, narrative medieval sources, and other information, V. A. Korenyako postulates his own interpretation of a number of animal-style art subjects like reproducing wild animals caught alive and "tied up". This "pragmatics", in his opinion, also determined the style of animal art [Ibid.].

According to ancient images, the researcher even considers it possible to determine exactly how the captured animals were connected, for example, a wild boar from Zhilanda [Ibid.]. It should be noted that his conclusions completely contradict the conclusions of L. B. Ermolov, who studied the methods of hunting wild boar in the Scythian era and convincingly showed that only metal tools of the Bronze Age made hunting wild boar relatively safe for humans, and this animal is one of the main hunting objects of the population of Eurasia [1980, p.160]. An even more reliable method of extraction was the killing of a wild boar from a horse; this method is depicted in most scenes of wild boar hunting in the Eurasian visual monuments of the Early Iron Age and the Middle Ages.

From the point of view of V. A. Korenyako, his "pragmatic ""endogenous" "military-hunting" hypothesis allows us to offer a concrete reconstruction of the semantics of the most popular and simple images of Early Nomadic art" in the entire spectrum of components [2002a, p. 175]. In my opinion, the concept of V. A. Korenyako is speculative and is not justified by any serious body of sources and evidence; the museum ethnographic collections of decorative and applied art of the peoples of Central Asia of the XIX-XX centuries, to which he refers [2002b], are not such. The hypothesis about the connection of the animal style phenomenon with a rather narrow gender, age, and social stratum of the population of steppe Eurasia does not work when analyzing cultural materials, which include a representative array of animal-style images on artifacts that are relevant not only to the elite of early nomad society. The field of pragmatics of images in the animal style of the Pazyryk culture, in my opinion, is much broader than how it is presented by V. A. Korenyako. Principles of combining certain zoomorphic images with specific groups of artefacts recorded on Pazyryk materials, moreover, regardless of the social and gender-age strata of society (part of the analysis corresponding to the clarification of the syntactics of animal-style art as a "text") [Cheremisin, 2006] only confirm the results of semantic reconstructions within the framework of the "mythological concept" and, in particular, D. S. Rayevsky's conclusions regarding the art of animal style as a cultural phenomenon reflecting the ideas of the "world picture" of the Iranian-speaking population of steppe Eurasia of the first millennium BC. the rigor with which he examines the concepts of S. I. Rudenko, N. L. Chlenova, D. G. Savinov, D. S. Raevsky, N. F. Korolkova, V. I. Abaev and other researchers is so fundamentally inconsistent with the methodology on which his own "endogenous" constructions are based that it is difficult to seriously correlate the depth of his extravagant concept It is not possible to compare it with alternative approaches to the analysis of animal-style art. The results of our research once again demonstrate the inconsistency of the criticism of the structural-semiotic method, undertaken from the standpoint of art studies, hunting studies and museology [Korenyako, 2002a].

The corpus of sources of the Pazyryk culture allows us to offer more reliable reconstructions of the content of animal-style plots and images. The possibilities of verifying hypotheses and choosing interpretative approaches are related to the archaeological context that is not disturbed due to permafrost. Reconstruction of the semantics of subjects and images of Pazyryk art is possible if the structure of ensembles of ancient artifacts with images in the animal style is preserved. So, the pictorial series of Pazyryk go-

page 98

headwear is strictly structured. As follows from the analysis of images on headdresses, the system of zoomorphic images is associated with the expression of the world picture, in which the upper world is marked with the image of a bird (headdress shape, pommel), and the middle world is marked with ungulates: deer and horned herbivores with signs of different animals. In the same row with these characters, whose images are assigned to the attributes of different zones of headdresses, there are images of predators (wolf, leopard, gryphon), captured on our neck hryvnia. Their figures occupy the lower register of the pictorial row associated with the head of the buried person. In my opinion, carnivores on grivnas are opposed to ungulates in the frontal area of the headdress and mark the lower world with the language of zoomorphic images (Cheremisin, 2006).

The pictorial series of Pazyryk attributes with figures on funeral vestments with birds in the upper part of the headdress, deer and fantastic ungulates in the middle part and with predators on the necks of the buried, as well as fish corresponding to the sphere of the bodily "bottom", represents a cross-section of the world picture transmitted by means of zoomorphic images. The rather well-defined structure of the artefact ensembles, which allows us to speak about contextual connections of zoomorphic images, obviously reflected the hierarchy of animals that existed among the Pazyryk people, according to which different animal-style characters were assigned a certain place in the system of images on ritual attributes. One of the ways to present mythologems was to create a visual series and display pictorial texts in ceremonial rituals, including funerary rites. In the decoration of the horses that accompanied the elite Pazyryk burials (in cult-ceremonial masks, on saddle pendants, and a ceremonial bridle), ensembles of zoomorphic images associated with the actualization of the story of the torment of the sacrificial horse are deployed [Cheremisin, 2005].

Based on the sources of monuments that do not preserve objects made from short-lived materials, the ideas about the art of animal style as a phenomenon associated with the tribal nobility or with the military squad do not correspond to the realities of the Pazyryk culture. In the same objects with the same images in socially diverse burials of men, women and children, one can see the expression of certain mythologies that are common to the whole society, their presentation in the ritual of burial in the language of fine art. Referring to the context of zoomorphic images on objects related to the funerary rites of the Pazyryk culture carriers, we can reveal the structure of ensembles of ritual attributes with images and conclude that the application of the structural-semiotic method to the analysis of the purpose and semantics of animal-style art is productive. This gives hope for the possibility of reconstructing certain aspects of the worldview of Pazyryk people. With regard to anthropomorphic subjects in the art of the Pazyryk culture, it should be noted that they have already been interpreted as a valuable source of historical reconstructions (Barkova and Gokhman, 1994; Klyashtorny and Savinov, 1998).

List of literature

Akishev A. K. Iskusstvo i mifologiya sakov [Art and Mythology of the Saks]. Alma-Ata: Nauka KazSSR Publ., 1984, 176 p.

Artamonov M. I. Proiskhozhdenie skifskogo iskusstva [The origin of Scythian art]. SA. - 1968. - N 4. - pp. 27-45.

Artamonov M. I. Treasures of the Saks, Moscow: Iskusstvo Publ., 1973, 279 p.

Arutyunov S. A. Issledovanie magiki i religii [The study of Magic and Religion]. SE. - 1982. - N 2. - pp. 139-141. - Rec. on kn.: Fraser Jh. Zolotaya vetv, Moscow: Polit. lit. Publishing House, 1980, 831 p.

Balonov F. R. Pazyryk etudes // Historical readings in memory of M. P. Gryaznov. Omsk: Omsk State University, 1987, part 1, pp. 91-94.

Balonov F. R. Nap pazyryk carpet: semantics of composition and place in ritual (experience of preliminary interpretation) / / Problems of interpretation of monuments of culture of the East, Moscow: Nauka, 1991, pp. 88-122.

Barkova L. L. Carvings of animals on a sarcophagus from the 2nd Bashadar kurgan / / ASGE. - 1984. - Issue 25. - pp. 83-89.

Barkova L. L. Izobrazheniya horned and winged tigers v iskusstvo drevnego Altay [Images of horned and winged tigers in the art of the ancient Altai]. 26. - p. 30-44.

Barkova L. L. The image of the eagle-headed griffin in the art of ancient Altai (based on the materials of Large Altai mounds). - 1987. - Issue 28. - p. 5-30.

Barkova, L. L., On the chronology and local differences in the depiction of herbivores and predators in the art of early Altai nomads (experience of statistical analysis), ASGE, 1995, issue 32, pp. 60-76.

Barkova L. L. Konskaya maska iz Pervogo Pazyrykskogo kurgana [Horse mask from the First Pazyryk Mound]. ASGE, 1999, issue 34, pp. 97-101.

Barkova L. L. Animal-style items from the PC collection. Frolova // Steppes of Eurasia in Antiquity and the Middle Ages: Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference, vol. 100th anniversary of the birth of M. P. Gryaznov. - SPb., 2003. - Book 2. - p. 14-19.

Barkova L. L., Gokhman I. I. Proiskhozhdenie rannykh kochevnikov Altay v svete dannykh paleoanthropologii i analiza ikh izobrazheniy [The origin of early Altai nomads in the light of paleoanthropological data and analysis of their images]. - St. Petersburg: IIMK RAS, State University. Hermitage, 1994, pp. 24-35.

Barkova L. L., Pankova S. V. Tattoos on mummies from Large Pazyryk mounds (new materials) / / Archeology, Ethnography and Anthropology of Eurasia. - 2005. - N 2. - p. 48-59.

Bernshtam A. N. Istoriko-arkheologicheskie ocherki Tsentralnogo Tien-Shanya i Pamiro-Alai [Historical and archaeological sketches of the Central Tien-Shan and Pamir-Alai].

page 99

Bokovenko N. A. Problema rekonstruktsii religioznykh sistem nomadov Tsentral'noi Azii v skifskuyu epokhu [The problem of reconstruction of religious systems of nomads of Central Asia in the Scythian era]. Prizhrechestvo i shamanizm v skifskuyu epokhu: Mat-ly Mezhdunar. konf. - SPb., 1996, pp. 39-43.

Bongard-Levin G. M., Grantovsky E. A. From Scythia to India. Ancient Arias: Myths and History. - 2nd ed. - Moscow: Mysl, 1983. - 206 p.

Iz istorii dokapitalisticheskikh formatsiy: Sb. statey k 45-letiyu nauch [Iz istorii dokapitalisticheskikh formatsiy: Sb.statey k 45-letiyu nauch]. activity of N. Y. Marr. - Moscow; L.: OGIZ, 1933. - pp. 100-124.

Grach, A.D., Works of Scythian-Siberian art within the ethno-cultural zones of Asian steppes, Tez. dokl. III Vsesoyuz. conf. on the issues of Scythian-Sarmatian archeology, Moscow, 1972, pp. 29-32.

Grach A.D. Ancient nomads in the center of Asia, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1980, 256 p.
Gryaznov M. P. Pazyryksky kurgan. - M.; L.: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1937. -46 p.

Gryaznov M. P. Perviy Pazyrykskiy kurgan [The first Pazyryk Mound]. Hermitage Museum, 1950. - 92 p.

Gryaznov, M. P., Felt depicting the struggle of mythical monsters from the Fifth Pazyryk Mound in Altai, SGE, 1956, issue 9, pp. 40-42.

Gryaznov M. P. Drevneyshie pamyatniki geroicheskogo eposa narodov Yuzhnoi Sibiri [Ancient monuments of the heroic epic of the peoples of Southern Siberia].

Dashkovsky P. K. Osnovnye aspekty izucheniya religiozno-mifologicheskikh i mirovozrencheskikh predstavleniy pazyryktsev [The main aspects of studying religious-mythological and ideological representations of Pazyryk people]. Gorno-Altaisk: Gorno-Alt State University, 2001, pp. 73-80.

Dashkovsky P. K. Sotsial'naya struktura i sistema mirovozreniy naseleniya Gornogo Altay scifskogo vremeni [Social structure and system of worldviews of the population of Gorny Altai in the Scythian period]. dis. ... candidate of Historical Sciences. Barnaul, 2002, 24 p. (in Russian)

Dovatur A. I., Kallistova D. P., Shishova I. A. Narody nashey strany v Istorii Gerodota [The Peoples of our Country in the History of Herodotus]. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1982, 456 p.

Ancient mounds of Altai: Photo album. Gorno-Altaisk: Akchechek Publ., 1998, 128 p. (in Russian)

Dudko D. M. Religious and mythological semantics of the Scythian animal style: the history of research // Peoples of Asia and Africa-1985. - N 4. - p. 151-160.

Dyakonov I. M. Archaic myths of the East and West, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1990, 247 p.

Ermolov L. B. K voprosu o proiskhozhdenii kul'ta kabana v skifskoe vremya [To the question of the origin of the boar cult in Scythian times]. Kemerovo: Kem. state University, 1980, pp. 156-164.

Zaporozhchenko A.V., Cheremisin D. V. Arimasps and vultures: visual tradition and Indo-European parallels. - 1997. - N 1. - p. 83-90.

Zuev V. Yu. Confessable paths of the divine horseman (based on the materials of carpet cloths and funeral rites in Pazyryk) / / Northern Eurasia from antiquity to the Middle Ages: Tez. dokl. conf. to the 90th anniversary of the birth of M. P. Gryaznov. St. Petersburg, 1992, pp. 131-134.

Kiselev S. V. Ancient history of Southern Siberia. - 2nd ed. - Moscow: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1951. - 642 p.

Klyashtorny S. G., Savinov D. G. Pazyrykskaya uzda. Prehistory of the Xiongno-Yuezhi Wars // Ancient Cultures of Central Asia and St. Petersburg, St. Petersburg: Kultinform-press, 1998, pp. 169-177.

Kondakov N. P. Essays and notes on the history of medieval art. Prague, 1929.

Korenyako V. A. Proiskhozhdenie skifo-sibirskogo zverinogo stilya (pragmaticheskie aspekty semiotiki) [The origin of the Scythian-Siberian animal style (pragmatic aspects of semiotics)]. - Donetsk: Donets National University. un-t, 2002a, vol. 1, pp. 131-188.

Korenyako V. A. Iskusstvo narodov Tsentral'noi Azii i zverinyi stil ' [Art of the peoples of Central Asia and animal style]. Moscow: Vostochny lit., 2002b. - 328 p.

Kubarev V. D. Proto-Buddhist symbols in Ancient Altai art / / Roerich Readings, 1984: Materials of the Conference-Novosibirsk: Novosibirsk. pictures. gallery, 1984, pp. 193-199.

Kubarev V. D. Kurgany Yustyda [Mounds of Yustyda]. Novosibirsk: Nauka Publ., 1991, 189 p. (in Russian)

Genesis of Altai-Sayan shamanism based on archaeological sources // Severnaya Evraziya ot drevnosti do srednevekovye: Tez. dokl. konf. k 90-letiyu so dnya rozhdeniya M. P. Gryaznov [Northern Eurasia from Antiquity to the Middle Ages]. St. Petersburg, 1992, pp. 125-130.

Kuzmina E. E. Scythian art as a reflection of the worldview of one of the groups of Indo-Iranians / / Scythian-Siberian animal style in the art of the peoples of Eurasia. - Moscow: Nauka, 1976a. - P. 52-65.

Kuzmina E. E. O semantike izobrazheniy na chertomlypkoi vaza [On the semantics of images on a black-and-white vase]. SA. - 1976b. - N 3. - pp. 68-76.

Kuzmina E. E. In the country of Kavat and Afrasiab, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1977, 144 p.

Kuzmina E. E. Plot of the confrontation of two animals in the art of Asian steppes / / KSIA. - 1978. - Issue 154. - pp. 102-106.

Kuzmina E. E. Stena terzaniya v iskusstve sakov [The scene of torment in the art of Saks]. Etnografiya i arkheologiya Srednoi Azii [Ethnography and Archeology of Central Asia], Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1979, pp. 78-83.

Kuzmina E. E. On the "reading of the text" of fine art monuments of the Eurasian steppes of the Scythian time. - 1983. - N 1. - p. 95-106.

Kuzmina E. E. Opyt interpretatsii nekotorykh pamyatnikov skifskogo iskusstva [The experience of interpreting some monuments of Scythian art].

Kuzmina E. E. Plot of the struggle between a predator and a hoofed animal in the art of the "animal" style of the Eurasian steppes of the Scythian epoch. Art and ideology. Novosibirsk: Nauka Publ., 1987, pp. 3-12.

Kuzmina E. E. Mythology and art of the Scythians and Bactrians. Moscow: Russian Institute of Cultural Studies, 2002, 286 p.

Kurochkin G. N. Plot images on felt nightmares from the V Pazyryk kurgan (to the prehistory of shamanism in Southern Siberia and Central Asia) / / Historiography and sources of studying the historical experience of mastering Siberia: Tez. dokl. Vsesoyuz. science. Conf. - Novosibirsk, 1988. - Issue 1. - pp. 78-79.

Kurochkin G. N. Scythian-Siberian shamanism (towards the reconstruction of the religious system of early Sayano-Altai nomads) / / Second Historical Readings in memory of M. P. Gryaznov. Omsk: Omsk State University, 1992, pp. 39-41.

Kurochkin G. N. Sakral'nyi tsentr rannykh kochevnikov na Altae (arkheologo-etnograficheskaya rekonstruktivnaya model') [The Sacred Center of early nomads in the Altai (archaeological and ethnographic reconstructive model)]. conf. - St. Petersburg, 1993. - Part 2: Archeology and study of cultural processes and phenomena. - pp. 93-98.

Kurochkin G. N. Scythian roots of Siberian shamanism. archeol. bulletin. - 1994. - N 8. - p. 60-68.

page 100

Levi-Strauss K. Primeval thinking, Moscow: Respublika Publ., 1994, 384 p.

Marr, N. Ya., Means of transportation, tools of self-defense and production in prehistory, Moscow: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1926, 48 p.

Marr N. Ya. To the report on a foreign business trip (17. III-22. VI. 1929) / / Doklady Akademii nauk SSSR. -1929. - N17. - pp. 321 - 327.

Marsadolov L. S. Pazyryk gryphon and modernity / / Priestcraft and shamanism in the Scythian era: Materials of the International Conference. The project "Scytho-Sibirica". St. Petersburg, 1996, pp. 137-139.

Marsadolov L. S. Gryphon - khranitel 'zolotoy Kapital-boga i ikh antinoofernaya sushchnost' [Griffin - keeper of the gold of Capital-God and their antinooferic essence]. Vernadskian revolution in the system of scientific worldview-search for a noospheric model of the future of humanity in the XXI century. St. Petersburg: [B. I.], 2003, pp. 371-378.

Machinsky D. A. Bosporus of Cimmeria and Tanais in the history of Scythia and the Mediterranean of the VIII-V centuries BC / / Nomads of the Eurasian steppes and the ancient world (problems of contacts): Materials of the 2nd Archeol. of the workshop. Novocherkassk, 1989, pp. 7-30.

Machinsky D. A. Minusinskie "trekhglazye" izobrazheniya i ikh mesto v esotericoi traditsii [Minusinsk "three-eyed" images and their place in the esoteric tradition]. Problemy okunevskoy kul'tury: Mat - ly konf. - SPb., 1995, pp. 57-60.

Machinsky D. A. Zemlya arimaspov v antichnoi traditsii i "prostor ariev" v Avesta [The Land of the Arimasps in the ancient tradition and the "Space of the Aryans" in the Avesta]. Priestcraft and shamanism in the Scythian era: Materials of the International Conference-St. Petersburg, 1996, pp. 3-14.

Machinsky D. A. A unique sacral center of the third-mid-first millennium BC in the Khakass-Minusinsk basin. Culture. Art. Anthropology. St. Petersburg: Petro-RIF, 1997, pp. 265-287.

Molodin V. I. Kul'turno-istoricheskaya kharakteristika pogrebalnogo kompleksa N 3 mogilnika Verkh-Kaldzhin II [Cultural and historical characteristics of the burial complex No. 3 of the Verkh-Kaldzhin II burial ground]. Novosibirsk: Publishing House of IAEt SB RAS, 2000a, pp. 86-119.

Molodin V. I. Pazyryk culture: problems of ethnogenesis, ethnic history and historical destinies / / Archeology, Ethnography and Anthropology of Eurasia. - 2000b. - N4. - p. 131-142.

Molodin V. I. Etnogenez, etnicheskaya istoriya i istoricheskie sudby nositelei pazyrykskoi kul'tury Gornogo Altay [Ethnogenesis, ethnic history and historical destinies of the Pazyryk culture bearers of Gorny Altai]. Naselenie Gorny Altay v epokhu rannego zheleznogo veka kak etnokul'turnyi fenomen: proiskhozhdenie, genezis, istoricheskie sudby (po dannym arkheologii, antropologii, genetiki). Novosibirsk: Publishing House of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2003, pp. 148-178.

Molodin V. I., Polos'mak N. V. [Archaeological complexes of the Early Iron Epoch of the Ukok plateau as a source of integration studies], in Naselenie Gornogo Altaya v epokhu rannego zheleznogo veka kak etnokul'turnyi fenomen: proiskhozhdenie, genezis, istoricheskie sudby (po dannym arkheologii, antropologii, genetiki). Novosibirsk: Publishing House of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2003, pp. 14-62.

Neyhardt A. A. The Scythian story of Herodotus in Russian Historiography, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1982, 240 p.

Perevodchikova E. V. The Kelermess axe and the formation of the Scythian animal style // Problems of the history of antiquity and the Middle Ages, Moscow: Moscow State University Press, 1979, pp. 138-155.

Perevodchikova E. V. O vozmozhnosti issledovaniya skifskogo zverinogo stilya kak izobrazhitel'noy sistemy [On the possibility of studying the Scythian animal style as an image system]. Problemy istorii antichnosti i srednev vek [Problems of the History of Antiquity and the Middle Ages], Moscow: Izd. Moscow State University, 1980, pp. 112-124.

Perevodchikova E. V. Language of animal images. Essays on the art of the Eurasian steppes of the Scythian epoch, Moscow: Vostochny lit., 1994, 206 p.

Polos'mak N. V. Izobrazhenie rybki v pazyrykskom iskusstve [Image of fish in Pazyryk art]. Severnaya Evraziya ot drevnosti do srednevekovye: Tez. dokl. konf. to the 90th anniversary of the birth of M. P. Gryaznov. St. Petersburg, 1992, pp. 134-138.

Polos'mak N. V. O grecheskikh parallelyakh nekotorom drevnekitayskim mifam [About Greek parallels to some ancient Chinese myths]. Tomsk: Tomsk State University, 1993a, pp. 95-96.

Polos'mak N. V. Ptitsa "feniks" v iskusstve pazyrykskoy kul'tury [The Phoenix bird in the art of the Pazyryk culture]. - Barnaul: Alt. state University Publishing House, 1993b. - Part 1. - p. 169-173.

Polos'mak N. V. K voprosu o drevnoi taturovke [To the question of the ancient tattoo]. - 1994a. - Issue 2. - p. 3-8.

Polos'mak N. V. "Vultures guarding gold" (Ak-Alakha mounds). Novosibirsk: Nauka Publ., 1994b, 124 p. (in Russian)

Polos'mak N. V. Pazyryk culture. Reconstruction of worldview and mythological representations: Author's abstract of the dissertation of the Doctor of Historical Sciences. Novosibirsk, 1997, 54 p. (in Russian)

Polos'mak N. V. Voinskie shlemy pazyryktsev [Military helmets of the Pazyryk people]. Barnaul: Alt. State University Publ., 1999, pp. 148-151.

Polos'mak N. V. Pazyrykskiye voyloki: Ukokskaya kollektsiya [Pazyryk felt: Ukok collection]. - 2000a. - N 1. - p. 94-100.

Polos'mak N. V. Tatuirovka u pazyryktsev [Tattooing among Pazyryk people]. - 20006. - N 4. - p. 95-102.

Polos'mak N. V. Pogrebal'nyj kompleks kurgana Ak-Alakha-3 [The burial complex of the Ak-Alakha-3 mound]. Novosibirsk: Publishing House of IAEt SB RAS, 2000, pp. 57-85.

Polos'mak N. V. Mummification and embalming in Pazyryk residents. Novosibirsk: Publishing House of IAEt SB RAS, 2000, pp. 120-124.

Polos'mak N. V. The Riders of Ukok. Novosibirsk: INFOLIO-press, 2001, 335 p. (in Russian)

Polos'mak N. V. Mnemonicheskie sredstva pazyryktsev [Mnemonic means of the Pazyryk people] / / Problemy arkheologii, etnografii, antropologii Sibiri i sopredel'nykh territorii: Mat-ly Godovoi sessii IAEt SB RAS. - Novosibirsk: Izd-vo IAEt SB RAS, 2002. - Vol. 8. - pp. 426-428.

Polosmak N. V., Barkova L. L. Costume and textiles of the Pazyryk people of Altai (IV-III centuries BC). - Novosibirsk: INFOLIO, 2005. - 232 p.

Polos'mak N. V., Molodin V. I. Pamyatniki pazyrykskoy kul'tury na ploskogorye Ukok [Monuments of the Pazyryk culture on the Ukok plateau]. - 2000. - N 4. - p. 66-87.

Raevsky D. S. Essays on the ideology of Scythian-Saka tribes. Experience of reconstruction of Scythian mythology, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1977, 216 p.

Raevsky D. S. From the field of Scythian cosmology (experience of semantic interpretation of pectorals from Tolstoy Mogila) / / VDI. - 1978. - N 3. - p. 115-133.

Raevsky D. S. O prichinakh predomanenii v skifskom iskusstve zoomorfnykh motivov [On the reasons for the predominance of zoomorphic motifs in Scythian art]. conf.

page 101

"Art and archeology of Iran and its connection with the art of the peoples of the USSR since ancient times": Tez. dokl. - Moscow, 1979. - pp. 73-75.

Raevsky D. S. Model ' mira skifskoy kul'tury: problemy mirovozzreniya iranoyazychnykh narodov evraziyskikh steppei I thys. B.C. Model of the world of Scythian culture: Problems of the worldview of the Iranian-speaking peoples of the Eurasian steppes of the first millennium BC.

Raevsky D. S. Mythological universals as a tool for interpreting ancient visual monuments / / International Conference on Primitive Art: Tez. dokl. - Kemerovo, 1998. - P. 46-48.

Rayevsky D. S. Nekotorye zapiski ob interpretatsii drevnykh izobrazhitel'nykh pamyatnikov [Some comments on the interpretation of ancient visual monuments]. Mezhdunarodnaya konferentsiya po pervobytnomu iskusstvu: Tez. dokl. - Kemerovo, 1999, pp. 118-123.

Raevsky D. S. Scythian animal style: poetics and pragmatics // Ancient civilizations of Eurasia. Istoriya i kul'tura: Mat-ly konf. - Moscow: Vostochny lit. Russian Academy of Sciences, 2001, pp. 364-382.

Raevsky D. S. Zverinyi stil ' skifskoy epokhi kak kul'turno-istoricheskii fenomen indo-iranskogo mira [Animal style of the Scythian epoch as a cultural and historical phenomenon of the Indo-Iranian world]. Russian Academy of Sciences, 2003, pp. 147-154.

Rudenko S. I. Vtoroy Pazyrykskiy kurgan [The Second Pazyryk Mound]. Hermitage Museum, 1948. - 73 p.

Rudenko S. I. Kul'tura naseleniya Gornogo Altay scifskogo vremeni [Culture of the population of the Altai Mountains in the Scythian period].

Rudenko S. I. Kul'tura naseleniya Tsentralnogo Altay scifskogo vremeni [Culture of the population of the Central Altai of the Scythian period].

Rudenko S. I. Iskusstvo Altay i Perednoi Azii (sredina! thousand BC). - Moscow: Vostochny lit. 1961. -66 p., 18 tables.

Samashev Z. S., Bazarbayeva G., Zhumabekova I., Sungatay S. Berel. - Almaty: OF "Berel", 2000. - 56 p.

Samashev Z. S., Mylnikov V. P. Woodworking among ancient cattle breeders of the Kazakh Altai. - Almaty: OF "Berel", 2004. - 230 p.

Samushkina E. V. Ethnic symbols of the Altai Republic: the problem of ethical mobilization (late XX-XXI centuries) / / Altai-Russia: through the ages into the future: Mat-ly Vseros. nauch. - practical conference, dedicated to 250th anniversary of the Altai people's entry into the Russian state (May 16-19, 2006). Gorno-Altaisk: RIO Gorno-Altaisk State University, 2006, pp. 146-149.

Smirnov A. P. Scythians, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1966, 200 p.

Smirnov K. F. Sauromatian-Sarmatian animal style / / Scythian-Siberian animal style in the art of the peoples of Eurasia, Moscow: Nauka, 1976, pp. 74-89.

Sorokin S. S. Reflection of the worldview of early Altai nomads in the monuments of material culture. Kul'tura Vostoka [Culture of the East]. Drevnost ' i rannee srednevekovie [Ancient and Early Middle Ages], Aurora Publ., 1978, pp. 172-191.

Tishkin A. A., Dashkovsky P. K. Social structure and system of worldviews of the Altai population of the Scythian epoch. Barnaul: Alt. State University Publ., 2003, 429 p. (in Russian)

Toporov V. N. Primeval representations of the world (general view) / / Essays on the history of natural science knowledge in antiquity. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1982, pp. 8-40.

Toporov V. N. Zhivotnye [Animals] / / Myths of the peoples of the world. - 2nd ed. - Moscow: Sov. annikl., 1987a. - Vol. 1. - pp. 440-449.

Toporov V. N. Izobrazitel'noe iskusstvo i mifologiya [Visual Art and Mythology] / / Myths of the peoples of the World, 2nd ed., Moscow: Sov. encikl., 1987b. - vol. 1, pp. 483-488.

Fedorov-Davydov, G. A., On the scenes of tormenting and fighting animals in the monuments of Scythian-Siberian Art, Uspekhi sredneaziatskoi arkheologii (Uspekhi sredneaziatskoi arkheologii), Nauka Publ., 1975, pp. 23-28.

Fedorov-Davydov G. A. Iskusstvo kochevnikov i Zolotoy Hordy [The Art of Nomads and the Golden Horde], Moscow: Iskusstvo Publ., 1976, 227 p.

The phenomenon of Altai mummies. Novosibirsk: IAEt SB RAS Publ., 2000, 318 p. (in Russian)

Khazanov A.M., Shkurko A. I. Social and religious foundations of Scythian art // Scythian-Siberian animal style in the art of the peoples of Eurasia, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1976, pp. 40-52.

Cheremisin D. V. Antichnaya traditsiya ob arimaspakh i gryphakh i problemy etnogeografii scifskogo mira [The ancient tradition of Arimaspes and vultures and problems of ethnogeography of the Scythian world]. Problemy arkheologii stepnoy Evrazii: Tez. dokl. - Kemerovo, 1987, part 2, pp. 16-18.

Cheremisin D. V. On the semantics of horned masked horses in Pazyryk mounds //Archeology, Ethnography, and anthropology of Eurasia. - 2005. - N 2. - p. 129-140.

Cheremisin D. V. Semantika iskusstva zverinogo stilya pazyrykskoy kul'tury (po materialam ryadovykh merzlotnykh pogrebeniy yugo-vostochnogo Altay) [Semantics of animal style art in the Pazyryk culture (based on materials of ordinary permafrost burials in the South-Eastern Altai)]: Mat-ly is All over the place. archeol. the congress. Novosibirsk, 2006, vol. 2, pp. 330-332.

Chernikov S. S. The Riddle of the Golden Mound, Moscow: Progress Publ., 1965, 189 p.

Chlenova N. L. Proiskhozhdenie i rannaya istoriya tatarskoy kul'tury [The origin and early history of Tatar culture], Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1967, 300 p.

Sher Ya. A. Petroglyphs of Central and Central Asia, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1980, 328 p.

Yatsenko I. V. The art of the Scythian tribes of the Northern Black Sea region // Istoriya iskusstva narodov SSSR [History of Art of the peoples of the USSR], Moscow: Izobrazhitel'noe iskusstvo, 1971, vol. 1: Iskusstvo pervobytnogo obshchestva i drevneyshikh gosudarstv na territorii SSSR, pp. 116-137.

Alfoldi A. Uber die theriomorphe Weltbetrachtung in den hochasiatischen Kultur // Archaologisher Anzeiger. - 1931. -N 1. - S. 394 - 418.

Andersson J.-G. Hunting Magic in the Animal Style // BMFEA. - 1932. - N 4. -P. 221 - 317; tabl. I-XXXVI.

Bolton J. Aristeas of Proconnesus. - Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1962. - 258 p.

Farkas A. Interpreting Skythian art. East vs. West // Artibus Asiae. - 1977. - T/ 39, N 2. - P. 124 - 138.

Hancar F. Altai-Skufhen und Schamanismus // Actes du IV Congres international des sciences anthropologiques et ethnologiques. - Vienne, 1952. -Vol. 2. -P. 183 - 189.

Laszlo Gy. L'art des nomades. - Budapest: Corvina, 1972. - 158 p.

Levi-Strauss C. Le totemisme aujod'hui. - P.: Plon, 1962. - 153 p.

Roux J.-P. Faune et flore sacrees dans les societies altaique. - P.: Maisonneuve, 1966. - 478 p.

The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 01.03.07.

page 102

Permanent link to this publication: