Вступ. article, translated from the Ottoman-Turkish language and commented by G. V. CHOCHIEV

In the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, mainly in the 1850s and 1870s, the Ottoman Empire received about a million representatives of the North Caucasian peoples (Adygs, Ubykhs, Abkhazo-Abazins, Ossetians, Chechens, Dagestanis, etc.), whose migration to the Sultan's possessions was explained by the final conquest of the Caucasus by Russia and the establishment of a military-political regime in the region.colonial administration. Despite the initial orientation of the main mass of migrants, collectively referred to in the Ottoman tradition as Circassian Muhajirs (Circassian Muhajirli, Muhajirin-i Cherakise), to become loyal subjects of the Porte and the generally patronizing attitude of the Istanbul authorities towards them, the process of adaptation of Caucasians to the natural, socio-economic, political and cultural realities of the new country turned out to be fraught with difficulties. significant problems that took years or even decades to resolve.

Keywords: Circassians, Ottoman Empire, immigration, colonization, social adaptation, crime, slavery, military service, education.

The collections of the Ottoman Archive under the Prime Minister of the Republic of Turkey (T. S. Başbakanhk Osmanh Arşivi) contain extensive material on North Caucasian immigration and colonization. It mainly includes correspondence between state institutions of various levels and contains important information about the number, "tribal" and class composition of groups arriving from the Caucasus, the measures taken by the authorities to determine their settlement areas, the course of settling and integrating immigrants into local society, etc. documents that come directly from North Caucasians and reflect their vision of the problems found in the new homeland, and sometimes ways to overcome them. Such certificates primarily include appeals and applications submitted by immigrants to official authorities. The vast majority of them are petitions and complaints submitted to provincial and central authorities by individuals, families or small groups of displaced persons to resolve their private, usually economic or household issues. However, some of the identified documents are relatively detailed messages sent to the highest Ottoman leadership by people who claimed to be leaders in the entire North Caucasian immigrant community and, accordingly, articulate its indigenous, "national" (in the applicants ' understanding) interests. The most typical example of this kind, which attested to the state of public sentiment in the Circassian environment (or a certain segment of it) in the initial period after mass immigration, is a lengthy petition addressed to the Grand Vizier [BOA, A. DVN, No. 166/52], published below.

The monument under study is a carefully rewritten copy - obviously for administrative purposes-of the original that has not yet been found, and is undoubtedly contemporary with it. The text is written in the Ottoman-Turkish language in Rick's handwriting and is divided into 28 numbered paragraphs. Unfortunately, the copy does not indicate the date of writing the appeal and the names of its authors, and the archive file does not contain any accompanying papers and appendices. However, the document can be fairly reliably dated based on some of the details it contains. On the one hand, the petition notes that it was written no later than one year after the termination of the post of Minister of War of Huseyin Avni Pasha, who held this position in 1869-1871, and then at short intervals in 1874-1876. up to

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his death [Karal, 1995, s. 70-76,103, 134, 186-187, 353 356, 360]. On the other hand, the Muhajir Authority (Muhajirin Idaresi), an agency that existed under this name from 1866 to 1875, is referred to as a functioning body [Saydam, 1997, s. 114-117]. Taking this into account, it can be concluded that the document was published, most likely, in 1872.1 As for its creators, it is not possible to establish their identity without additional archival information. However, their obvious desire to act as representatives of the interests and aspirations of their compatriots settled in Asian and European Turkey, and to present very serious claims to the Port on their behalf, leaves no doubt that authoritative representatives of the immigrant elite were behind the appeal. At the same time, the content of the message clearly shows that these were not members of the influential stratum of Circassian court dignitaries and senior officers and officials who successfully integrated into the Ottoman ruling class, and sometimes related to it, but traditional feudal-patriarchal leaders who lived in the provinces together with their communities and were directly involved in the difficult vicissitudes of colonization and civilisation. adaptation processes. Also noteworthy is the rather consistent and orderly nature of the presentation of requests and demands, the frequent quoting of Arabic and Persian phrases, and the rather pretentious style, which indicate a certain educational level or, at least, a thorough" mekteb " scholarship of the direct compilers of the text.
The appeal began with a reminder of the many hardships and sacrifices that the North Caucasians had to make before the resettlement in order to protect their homeland from superior Russian forces. At the same time, the frank and somewhat shocking statement of the fact that during this struggle the Circassians were sometimes forced to sell their own tribesmen into slavery in the Sultan's lands in order to get rid of poverty is clearly seen not only as an attempt to explain this painful phenomenon for the national consciousness, but also as an indirect reproach to the Ottoman state and society, its formal allies expected assistance during the Caucasian War.

While expressing their gratitude to the Port for the generous allocation of financial and material resources for the Caucasians who rushed to its territory in search of refuge, the authors of the document simultaneously noted that a significant part of these funds was embezzled by corrupt officials who ruined the treasury and brought the displaced people to poverty. The appeal pointed out that while some provinces, mostly in the Balkans, had been properly settled, the majority of them were in a precarious situation. The main forms of infringement of the socio-economic interests of Muhajirs were also listed. Thus, according to these allegations, in many localities, official officials, colluding with influential indigenous people, deliberately concealed empty state-owned land from the central authorities and placed parties of immigrants in areas that were obviously insufficient for them. In addition, the division of land granted to Caucasians was delayed for a long time and documents confirming their ownership rights were not issued, as a result of which, even after several years of cultivating the received plots, the settlers could not feel safe from the claims of local self-governing (mutegallib) elements and officials bribed by them. Attention was also drawn to numerous cases of non-provision of agricultural implements, livestock, money for housing construction, allowances, etc. to immigrants. It was noted with particular regret that the Istanbul government departments, trusting the false reports of local officials about the complete and perfect settlement and settlement of immigrants, at the same time ignored the complaints and petitions of the Caucasians themselves, who, after long wanderings through provincial and metropolitan institutions, often not only failed to meet their legitimate requests, but also failed to fulfill them. and were subjected to bullying and harassment by officials.

It was precisely these abuses that were associated with the fact that some of the desperate migrants turned to robberies. At the same time, it specifically stipulated the illegality of placing any blame for this on the leaders of North Caucasian groups, because their efforts to assist the authorities in searching for and bringing to justice malefactors from among their fellow tribesmen ran into reluctance, as stated in the text.-

1 In any case, the note made by the archive staff at the end of the document with its date 1277 Hijri (1860-1861 according to the Gregorian calendar), which does not agree with the historical facts set out in the petition, must be considered erroneous.

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security and judicial authorities were seriously engaged in the fight against crime, which, however, did not prevent unscrupulous employees from proclaiming all Circassians as thieves and robbers and arousing the hatred of the indigenous population towards them. Such blatant manifestations of mismanagement and official arbitrariness were called the main factors of violating the dignity and national rights (hukuk-i milliye) of immigrants.

At the same time, the drafters of the document insisted on preserving the right of North Caucasians to carry weapons, which they were allowed to bring into the country during immigration. To substantiate this claim, it was noted that the measures taken by the authorities to disarm the displaced persons in practice made them defenseless in the face of criminals and local hostile elements. However, the main argument in this issue was pointed out to the danger of the Circassians losing their inherent military art and weakening their readiness to fulfill their almost most important mission in the new fatherland - its protection from external enemies.

This was also connected with the point of the petition, which concerned the problem of wider involvement of immigrants in the opportunities for obtaining a full-fledged, primarily military, education. In particular, the senders were alarmed by the fact that many villages created for Caucasians did not have mosques or schools with qualified teachers, as a result of which the children of immigrants remained insufficiently literate and experienced difficulties in entering higher military schools. If we believe the data provided in the document, during the period under review, only one-twentieth of the requests of representatives of the North Caucasian nobility for admission of their children to military educational institutions were satisfied, which was definitely lower than the almost universal desire to enter the path of a professional officer's career that existed in this environment.

The largest part of the appeal was devoted to the issues of relations between the traditional estates of feudal slave owners and so-called slaves (in fact, all personally dependent categories of the population) within the Caucasian communities. The circles that initiated the message were very alarmed by the measures taken by the Porte in the second half of the 1860s and early 1870s, not without pressure from some Western countries, to restrict Circassian domestic and agricultural slavery (a partial ban on the sale of slaves, encouraging their release by ransom, etc.) and the increasing facts of disobedience of representatives of dependent strata to their masters (see: [Toledano, 1998, p. 82-109]). The position of the old Caucasian landowning aristocracy, which was reflected in the petition, was explicitly and somewhat artlessly aimed at justifying the historical, legal and moral justification for the existence of this institution, which was declared to comply with Sharia law, which had nothing to do with cruelty and oppression and therefore could not raise objections from foreigners. Describing the relationship between the nobility and dependent estates as paternalistic rather than exploitative, and the economic and legal situation of the latter as quite prosperous, the authors of the appeal argued that it was only as a result of the instigations of individual Europeanized statesmen that rebellious sentiments began to spread among Circassian slaves. Insisting on the complete non-interference of the authorities in the internal social system of the migrants, the opponents of the abolition of slavery recalled the alleged guarantees given by the Porte to the leaders of the Caucasians during immigration of the inviolability of their ancient way of life (usul-i kadima) and warned about the treasury's failure to receive tax revenues from the estates of Circassian feudal lords in Much more reasonable in this controversy, however, is the reference to violations of government bans on the slave trade by civil servants themselves, in particular to the facts of the unhindered acquisition of slaves and concubines by representatives of the highest Ottoman bureaucracy in areas of immigrant settlement.

It is interesting that, despite the rather clearly expressed disappointment with their real social status in their new homeland and undisguised resentment towards the Porte, the drafters of the document nevertheless strongly requested that their relatives and tribesmen still in the Caucasus should also be allowed to move to the Ottoman borders "under the patronage of the high caliphate". However, the message was generally characterized by a richness of declarations about the unconditional loyalty of Circassians to the Ottoman state and their commitment to the Islamic religion.

In conclusion, a number of administrative and political requirements were formulated to help improve the image of managing immigrants and harmonize their relations with the indigenous population, such as: the appointment of ethnic Caucasians to senior positions in the Ottoman immigration service Muhajirsky

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local self-government bodies; inclusion of their representatives in the district and district mejlis in the Circassian areas of residence; admission of Caucasians to serve in local law enforcement agencies on the recommendations of their leaders.

In general, the text under consideration indicates a high degree of concern among the provincial immigrant nobility about the painful course of adaptation of North Caucasian groups in the Sultan's possessions and the growing tendency to destroy their patriarchal way of life, which the traditional elite could not but see as a threat to their material well-being, privileged status within their own communities, and authority in the eyes of the Ottoman leadership. The scale of economic and domestic hardships faced by the displaced persons turned out to be quite significant and unexpected even for representatives of the social elite. In fact, the facts of the difficult situation of immigrants presented in the appeal are supported by a variety of modern sources, which unequivocally confirm the serious failures of the colonization policy of the authorities, resulting from the general inefficiency of the administrative and bureaucratic mechanism of the state. In addition, such important requirements as the representation of Circassians in local authorities, their inclusion in the security forces, access to education, etc., were adopted and approved by the central government several years earlier (see, for example: [BOA, I.MM, No. 1590]), and the fact of their new placement on the agenda can only be explained by the slow implementation of these decisions in practice.

At the same time, there is no doubt that the problems that arose were largely due to the specifics of the social structure of the North Caucasians, which did not fit well with the structure of the Ottoman society during the era of the Tanzimat reforms. In this regard, it is necessary to pay attention to the clearly biased nature of the document's interpretation of the state of inter-word relations in immigrant groups. For an objective representation of the real situation, it should be recalled that it was in the late 1860s and early 1870s that many Circassian colonies experienced acute intra-communal conflicts caused by the increased exploitation of their slaves, serfs, and even free tribesmen by the upper classes, and the parallel intensification of the latter's attempts to get rid of this dependence. For example, in the colony of Mandyra near Adrianople mentioned in the petition, whose representatives were undoubtedly among the petitioners2, there were even armed clashes between opposing parties [VOA, İ.MM, No. 1407]. The Porte, which based its policy on the incompatibility of Circassian slavery with Sharia and the secular legislation of the empire and often accused the heads of Caucasian communities of whipping up social tension and forcing their dependents to engage in criminal, robber-raiding activities, took gradual and careful, but steady steps to eliminate this institution during this period. With this in mind, it can be assumed that the appearance of the appeal was to a decisive extent dictated by the desire of the nobility to protect their positions from increasing official pressure.

However, the hopes of the authors of the petition to convince the Ottoman leadership of the need, on the one hand, to preserve archaic forms of social relations among Circassians, and on the other, to introduce them to the institutions of representative government that were emerging in the country, contained an intractable contradiction. We have no information about the direct response of the authorities to the document under review, but subsequent years only confirmed their firm focus on destroying the social structure of the North Caucasian groups by limiting the influence of feudal lords and turning the bulk of Muhajirs into ordinary subjects of the Porte in terms of their rights and obligations, which was accompanied by certain measures to correct the mistakes made during their settlement. The presented source, thus, recorded a quite natural class-colored reaction of the still rather traditional Circassian immigrant community to the forced transformation in its undoubtedly most critical phase.

2 It is known that in 1864 one of the most famous and irreconcilable leaders of the mountain resistance to the Russians in the North-West Caucasus, the ubykhek leader Hadji-Geranduk Bsrzsg (in Russian sources - Hadji-Ksrantukh-Bsrzsk), settled in the Mandyra region together with numerous "subjects", and his presence among the applicants of the petition under consideration seems to be extremely significant. probable. Let us add that two years after the expected date of the petition, in 1874, following the forceful settlement by the Porte of a long-standing bitter conflict between feudal slave owners and their slaves in the Adrianople vilayet, Hadji Geranduk was exiled to the island of Rhodes among a group of recalcitrant Circassian aristocrats, and after a few years settled in Anatolia [Bcrzcg Haci Gcranduk Bey, s. 4].

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translation

1. As those in the know know, the peace, steadfastness and patience shown for a long time by the Circassian population, despite the lack of weapons and ammunition, in their military confrontation with the powerful Russian state and in overcoming countless adversities and hardships, were explained solely by the desire to preserve faith and honor and protect their dear homeland. In this cause, we have made many sacrifices and, in accordance with the saying " "3, from young to old, and sometimes even up to our women, we have given up earning any means of subsistence and practicing crafts, and have forgotten about sleep and peace. And even, according to the chant " " 4, because of our severe need and poverty, we chose to commit such humiliation and disgrace as to transport the children and relatives who were in our miserable corners to the Islamic lands 5 and sell them for a song to the noble Ottomans who have long been inclined and friendly to our tribe, so that with the help of the money obtained in return to overcome poverty as much as possible with little means.

2. When at last, after gradually leaving our native country for many well-known reasons and seeking refuge in droves under the sheltering wing of the High Sultanate, we were gathered together in an unimaginable pandemonium, the just Islamic government truly plunged us into the sea of its mercy and fully honored us with compassion and hospitality. But while it is obvious that millions of gold kise were donated for our settlement and peace of mind, 6 unfortunately, at that time, most of the employees, completely guided by the principle of " "7, on the one hand, damaged the state treasury, and on the other hand completely ruined and weakened the Muhajirs.

3. The Muhajirs who were settled in Rumelia by the Venerable Nusret Pasha, and in Anatolia by some diligent officials, have acquired property through the care of Their Majesty the Gracious Padishah and, according to the rules established for muhajirs, regularly and proudly pay the taxes due by law to the treasury.

4. A whole series of infidel and incompetent officials, constantly [extracting] personal benefits from harming their fellow countrymen, in alliance with corrupt individuals from influential local residents, hid from the High Government, or rather, simply stole empty state lands and in places where forty, at most fifty peasant households could feed, they combined three or four hundred courtyards, as if placing an army tent camp. All the unworthy acts committed by the Muhajir subjects have this as their true source. For example, in the sanjak 11 of Tekfurdagy 12, a locality called Mandira, as many as three hundred households were settled, while the simplest verification will confirm that forty, at best fifty, households of farmers are able to support themselves in this locality.13
3 "The soldiers persevered in confusion, those who possessed zeal, courage, and faith persevered, they, the people of Russia, adults and children, all of them" (Arabic).

4 "The poverty of our time has brought us to the point where how can the impoverished not sell everything for a song?!" (Persian).

5 Islamic lands - here are the possessions of the Ottoman Sultan-Caliph.

Kise (kese) -6 monetary amount of 500 kurush (kurush monetary unit, one hundredth of the Ottoman lira, which in the 1870s was about a quarter of the French franc).

7 "The disasters of men benefit men" (Arabic).

8 Rumsliya (Turkish) Rumili, Rumeli) - the general name of the Balkan possessions of the Ottoman Empire.

9 Nusrst Pasha (until the early 1860s - Nusrst bsy) - General Staff officer. In 1860-1865, he was the commissioner for the settlement of Crimean and Caucasian immigrants in the Balkans. The effectiveness of his work in this position has been noted by many contemporaries and researchers (see Pinson, 1973, p. 1051).

10 Immigrants arriving in the Ottoman Empire were exempt from paying taxes. The term of this privilege, which in the early 1860s was ten years from the date of final settlement, was reduced to three years in 1864.

Sanjak 11 (district) - an administrative-territorial unit, usually part of a vilayet (province) and subdivided in turn into kazs (counties, districts).

12 Tskfurdagy (now Tskirdag) is a city on the European shore of the Sea of Marmara, which at that time was the center of the sanjak of the same name in the Adrianople vilayet.

13 As early as 1866, the governor of the Adrianople Vilayet drew attention to the fact that an excessive number of Circassian immigrants - 400 families - settled in the village of Mandyra in his loklad note to Porte [BOA, I. MM, No. 1407].

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5. And among the Muhajirs, there are still very many poor people who have not yet managed to get oxen, money for housing, agricultural implements and benefits that should have been granted to them by the state. The subject of the complaint is that these officials, by claiming that, in accordance with the good wishes of the State and the requirements of the rules applicable to Muhajirs, they have all been properly resettled and the shortcomings have been eliminated, mislead the High Authorities.

6. Until now, those of us who come to Istanbul and submit petitions are forced to huddle in the corners of inns for five or six months, suffering all sorts of hardships, after which, on the basis of a submission from the Muhajir administration, a meaningless order is issued from the high authority of the Grand Wazirate, 14 the meaning of which is as follows: "Even if this person's case is as he says, you still have your own way." But when the poor wretch, having taken the order, returns to his own country and addresses His Excellency Wali Pasha, 15 or Mutasarrif Pasha, 16 then, in accordance with the actual content of this supreme order, it does not receive any attention and attention and is put under the cloth, and the unfortunate person who brought it is also subjected to beatings and punishments for this reason. insults.

7. Just as among all tribes and peoples, and even among civilized nations, there are, according to natural law, good and bad, well-behaved and ill-mannered people, so also among the Circassian Muhajirs, we regret to observe some fools who have fallen into despair because of the cruel treatment of the above-mentioned officials and have engaged in shameful theft.

8. Being all Circassians, we chose to make the sacrifices described above for the sake of our religion and honor. And of course, we cannot tolerate such shameful actions in any way, and we immediately inform government officials about those who dare to do them. The officials, on the other hand, take us to a public trial together with such low people and offer us to prove on the basis of Sharia law that they are thieves. Meanwhile, to do this, each of our respected and honest people must leave their cases, and even take two witnesses with them, day and night to walk on the heels of thieves, so that if necessary they will be able to present evidence according to Sharia 17. But this is beyond our capabilities, and in this respect we can only do the following: if it is obvious that some residents of our village do not have any employment and are limited in means, but at the same time live in affluence, we with all the grounds assume that they are thieves and wreckers; for example: if a person who has nothing today is found to have several heads of cattle tomorrow, then we have no doubt that this person is a thief, and we capture him and hand him over to the authorities. But the authorities not only do not punish such people, but after a few days they suddenly, under some pretext, kindly release them, and they commit even worse [crimes]. And other low people, seeing this, also enter the path of villainy.

9. The greatest misfortune is that while we have abandoned our dear homeland and possessions and have only hidden our religion and our loyal honor from our Lord-the shepherd of the faithful, the model of all believers, the Caliph of the face of the earth, the vicar of the righteous Prophet, Their Majesty the Sharia-preserving Padishah-and our Ottoman brothers, The mismanagement and ill-treatment of these officials undermines our dignity and violates our national rights.

10. And the outrages that have taken place, as described, because of the negligence and connivance of these employees, they attribute to all their Muhajir subjects, without exception, and, claiming that all Circassians are thieves and robbers, they do not disdain to sow hatred and distrust between us and our always hospitable native countrymen and, in particular, the Circassians. in accordance with their own view of us, they instill in the indigenous population that there has never been a lower and unworthy nation in the world than us.

14 Grand Vezirat (sadaret) - the position and residence of the Grand Vezir (sadrazam), the head of the Ottoman Cabinet of Ministers during the period under review.

Vali -15 head of the vilayet administration, governor.

Mutasarrif is the former head of the sanjak administration.

17 Despite the country's transition to a secular judicial system, legal disputes between Muslims in the provinces generally continued to be heard in Sharia courts during this period. To prove the defendant's guilt under Sharia law, the plaintiff must present two Muslim witnesses.

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11. But we, the Muhajir subjects, never condone robberies and theft. It is true that when we were in our ancestral homeland, we tried to harm the enemy who had wrongfully attacked us to the best of our ability and put a lot of effort into this. However, those who dare to commit theft and harm their compatriots within the borders of their homeland, we strictly punished and put them on the right path without any leniency, in accordance with the requirements of the holy Sharia, and with the help of our clergy and nobles, we strictly observed the boundaries of Sharia in all our affairs and matters.

12. Now here, that is, in Anatolia and Rumelia, our leaders, who, when they were at home, rolled up their sleeves and worked hard to enforce the provisions of Sharia, have become disrespected and despised, and a whole number of our lowly and rootless ones are lucky and masters.

13. In addition, the provincial officials, constantly repeating that Muhajirs are forbidden to carry weapons, force us to hand them over, and if a proper investigation is carried out, it will turn out that many of our honest people, traveling on their legitimate business, were innocently killed on the road while passing through wooded and mountainous areas.

14. In this matter, however, the main cause of our chagrin and concern is that, although all Muhajir subjects from seven to seventy years of age are willing to be ready at any moment to sacrifice their lives on the battlefields for the sake of our blessed religion and State, we will unfortunately completely forget the noble art of war. since ancient times served as a source of our pride and glory, alas.

15. Alas, for despite all the evidence that the Russians were our natural enemies, since they really attacked our homeland, and we defended and resisted as hard as we could, they, extremely appreciating and accepting our weapons, clothing and martial arts, most of their cavalry dressed in exactly the same uniform. the costume was equipped with exactly the same weapons as the Circassians, and even their officers, generals and army commanders adopted this appearance, and now they have an increasing number of cavalry wearing such uniforms.

16. Since the land designated by the High Government to the Muhajirs is not currently demarcated between them and this leads to their distress, [we ask] that if the land designated is actually granted to Muhajir subjects, appoint special servants and legally distribute the arable land and pasture available in each village where the Muhajirs were settled among the population in accordance with the number of households and souls in them, giving them the necessary cadastral certificates.

17. And even since most of the Muhajirs do not have any certificates or documents with them, after several years of cultivating and cultivating the land provided by officials, local usurpers conspire with some corrupt officials to take these plots from them through a series of tricks and intrigues.

18. Since most Muhajir villages do not have a sufficient number of mosques and schools, as well as mullahs and teachers who are properly proficient in the Ottoman language, and for this reason the children of Muhajirs remain illiterate, and when we beg to enroll our sons in military schools, only one out of every twenty is admitted there under the patronage of someone else. We ask, in accordance with the proverb " 18, to add to the number of mosques, schools and teachers mentioned, and not to reject our humble sons who are submitted by us to military schools, provided that they have the physical health and proportionality of their physique to the extent permitted by law enroll them.

19. The Circassian tribes have long legally owned slaves, 19 but this existing slavery is not forced, unlike what previously existed in some areas of America, Europe and Africa, when one nation of conquerors, through various cruel methods incompatible with humanity and justice, oppressed the weak nations it defeated. And, as approved and defined by the brilliant Islamic Sharia, we have long been engaging these slaves of ours through affectionate treatment, and not limited to:

18 "Mercy is [valuable] in fullness" (Arabic).

19 The hierarchical class structure of the CCC of the North Caucasian groups remained poorly understood in the Ottoman society, which did not know strict social stratification. Because of this, in the literature and sources, including official ones, the undifferentiated term "slave" (Turkish kele or Arabic fat) usually referred to all personally dependent members of immigrant communities-actually slaves, serfs, serfs, etc.

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according to the wise Sharia principle " 20, we provide them with many opportunities. In a word, our existing slavery is not the kind of slavery that foreigners oppose.

20. And according to the rule that has been in force for a long time between us and our slaves, we assign them places for farming, provide oxen for plowing, and other agricultural implements and handicrafts, and engage them to work under our supervision, protection, and protection. First of all, we exclude the ashar 21 established by Sharia law from the harvest, and secondly, we withdraw seeds for sowing, and then divide the remainder in half.

21. In addition, after providing for our basic needs, they use the tools and equipment provided to them by us in their own interests and dispose of everything they get as their real property. And we even have many slaves who, with the favor and help of their masters, have become richer than their masters.

22. And if one of our unmarried slaves likes a girl from another slave family and both parties come to a mutual agreement, then we, having paid out of our property, according to the custom of our country, a fixed price, accept [the bride] and perform the marriage in accordance with the exalted hadiths of the 22nd Prophet. In the same way, we give the daughters of our slaves for the ones they like, and we also go, get their value, and after giving our parents the profit that is due to them according to custom, we dispose of the remainder as we see fit.

23. And in addition to these slave families, we also have a certain number of slaves, called in our language "wunashfa-ut", 23 which means domestic slaves, who, being excluded from the above-mentioned rules and regulations, are almost in the position of the Ottoman Ghulams 24 and jariye 25.

24. This is what our existing slavery amounts to. In the lowest hope of living in the same way and fully complying with the conditions mentioned above, we left all our real estate in the Ottoman lands that we held, and after spending the cash we had and acquired on these slaves, we came under the protection of the High Caliphate. At the time of our resettlement, the High Government made a condition to preserve intact and [allow us] to lead our old way of life, making a corresponding promise. We firmly believe in it.

25. Now, as a result of the instigations of a number of foreign officials and their seemingly indifferent local adherents, and the actions of some careless and incompetent officials in the legislation and official duties, who consider their false ideas to be a manifestation of Europeanization and civilization, these slaves have begun, from time to time, to leave their jobs and start up our farms, to fall into the abyss There is a huge shortfall in the legitimate state inventory due to the High Government, and we are chasing them like vagabonds, and for this reason we are incurring damage and losses.

26. We dare also say that although we have long heard opinions in favor of the abolition of slavery and know about the prohibition on the sale of slaves, we absolutely do not see that anyone interferes with their purchase. Last year, the former serasker of 26, Huseyin Avni Pasha of 27, even issued

20 "The slave and what he has belong to the master" (Arabic).

Ashar (usr) is the first Muslim tithe, the main income tax in the Ottoman Empire.

Hadiths (sunnah) are sacred traditions about the deeds and sayings of the Prophet Muhammad, which are complementary to the Koran.

Vunashfa-ut 23 (literally translated from Adyghe - "house with a big house") - a slave who lives in the household of his master, a domestic worker, a servant. Representatives of this social group of both sexes, usually referred to as Unauts in Russian-language literature, were the lowest, most disenfranchised class in traditional Adyghe society.

A ghulam is a privileged slave who is in the military, civil, or palace service of his master, usually a Muslim ruler or feudal lord.

Jariye is a female slave who lives in a harem in Muslim countries.

26 Serasker - during the period under review, Minister of War in the Ottoman government.

27 Huseyin Avni Pasha - one of the most talented and professional Ottoman military leaders of the third quarter of the 19th century. He was appointed Chief of the General Staff, Minister of War, and in 1873 for a short time was the Grand vizier. At the same time, he was often accused of bribery and other official abuses, as well as excessive effeminacy, which brought upon himself the disgrace of Sultan Abdulaziz, who sent him into exile. In May 1876, he played an active role in the plot to overthrow Abdulaziz from the throne and, according to unconfirmed rumors, his subsequent alleged poisoning. In June of the same year, he was killed along with several other high-ranking conspirators by a former officer of the sultan's personal guard and his brother-in-law, Circassian Hassan Bey, who thus avenged the deposed monarch [Karal, 1995, s. 104, 134-135, 187, 356-361].

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Sholoh, 28 of the Circassian muhajirs, received an order from the Ministry of War that he should not be hindered by anyone, and sent him to the sanjak of Aziziyeh, 29 from where he delivered to him five or ten female slaves. Although there are a lot of similar examples, we have limited ourselves to this one.

27. With bitterness and sorrow, we extremely ask for mercy not to prevent the departure to the protected Sultan's lands and not to hand over to the Russian state all other Circassians - our parents, brothers, sisters, children, household members and relatives who, due to their lack of opportunities or for the purpose of settling some of their affairs, remained burning from the fire of separation, in our ancestral homeland and whose arrival we await here in anguish.

28. As a means of removing the causes of our misfortune, which, in accordance with the wise expression "" 30, we have dared to disturb the peace of your Vezir Eminence, [we ask] not to refuse to take the following extremely necessary for us, humble servants, reasonable and expedient measures: first, to re-transfer the posts to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. In the Muhajir Government to those of our own people who know our position well and who have proved their competence and loyalty to the state and who, by the grace of Their Padishah's Majesty, have achieved considerable ranks; 31 secondly, to keep members from among our literate and intelligent people in the majlis of the 32 sanjaks and kazas where we are settled, as is done for others the united Ottoman peoples; thirdly, to allow our able-bodied people to be employed in the police and gendarmerie on the firm guarantee of authoritative representatives of the Muhajirs, and thus to contribute to the strengthening and perpetuation of friendship and trust between the indigenous population and us, which is the duty of everyone .a Muslim. Making a decision and issuing a decree in relation to what is set out in the competence of Your Excellency.

list of literature

Т.С. Başbakanlik Osmanli Arşivi (ВОA). İrade. Meclis-i Mahsus (foundation cipher - I.MM).

VOA. İrade. Meclis-i Vala (foundation cipher - İ.MV). № 20103.

BOA. Sadaret. Divan Kalemi (the foundation code is A. DVN). № 166/52.

Bcrzcg Haci Geranduk Bey // Guaze. Siyasi, İktisadi, İctimai, İlmi Gazete. № 8 (25 Mayis-i Efrcnci 1911).

Karal E.Z. Osmanh Tarihi. Cilt VII. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayinlan, 1995.

Pinson M. Ottoman Colonization of the Crimean Tatars in Bulgaria, 1854-1862 // VII Turkish Congress of History (Ankara, 25-29.09.1970). Papers Presented to the Congress. Vol. II. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayinlan, 1973.

Saydam A. Kirim ve Kafkasya Cöçleri, 1856-1876. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayinlan, 1997.

Toledano E.R. Slavery and Abolition in the Ottoman Middle East. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1998.

28 Sholoh - a common name in the past ssverokavkazskos.

24 Aziziye (now Pynarbashi) is a city in Central Anatolia, on the Uzunyaila Plateau. It emerged as the administrative center of the eponymous Kaza (not sanjak) as part of the Sivas vilayet in 1861 after the settlement of approximately 10 thousand North Caucasian immigrants in this area [BOA, İ.MV, No. 20103].

30 "I am complaining, and it is not a complaint for exemplary worship, but the cup is full and ready to overflow" (Arabic).

31 This requirement is not accidental: a number of prominent representatives of the predecessor of the Muhajir Administration, the Muhajir Commission (Muhajirin komiyyonu), which functioned in 1860-1865, were of Caucasian origin, including its first chairman, Hafiz Pasha, and the aforementioned Nusrst Pasha.

Majlis is the name of territorial representative assemblies of various levels in the late Ottoman Empire.

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FACSIMILE OF THE DOCUMENT

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TRANSCRIPTION OF THE TEXT IN THE TURKISH LATIN ALPHABET

1. Ma'lûm-ı âşinâyân-ı âlem olduğu vech üzere âlât-ı harbiyyenin noksân ve mühimmât-ı askeriyyenin fikdânıyla berâber ahâlî-i Çerâkisenin müddet-i mcdîde harben Rusya devlet-i kaviyy-üş-şevketine mukavemet ve lâ-yu'add ve lâ-yuhsâ mihen ve meşakkatlcre olan sebât ve tahammülleri ancak vikaye-i dîn ve nâmûs ve muhâfaza-ı vatan-ı azîz için idi. Ve bu uğurda bir dereceye kadar fedâkârlık göstermişizdir ki "Min-al-hazzi avvadâ-1-mucâhidîn alahhâ ashâbu-1-gayra va-ş-şacâ'at va-d-dînu hum ahla Çerkesistân sagîru hum va kabîru hum acmâ'in" fehvâsınca sigar ve kibâr ve ba'zen nisvânlarımıza kadar kâffe-i esbâb-ı ma'îşet ve hiref ve sanâyi'den keff-i yed ve hâb ü râhatı ferâmûş ve hattâ "Mufles az cins-e hûd arzân nafurûşad çikonad kam bahâ sâht tuhîdastî-e davrân mârâ" zemzemesince şiddet-i ihtiyâc ve zarûretimizden nâşî çâker köşemiz makamında olan etfâl ve ebnâ-ı cinsimizi memâlik-i İslâmiyyeye geçirip min-el-kadîm cinsimize meyl ve rağbet gösteren Osmânlı kibârlarına kem-bahâ ile fürûht ve mukabelesinde dest-res olabildiğimiz mikdâr-ı cüzî ile mümkin mertebe def'-i zarûrete kadar kıllet ve zilleti ihtiyâr etmiş idik.

2. Encâm-ı kâr birçok esbâb-ı ma'lûmeden dolayı peyderpey terk-i vatan ve diyâr birle fevc feve zîr-i cenâh-ı müstelzim-ül-felâh-ı saltanat-ı seniyyeye dehâlet ve âşûb-ı kıyâmet tezâhüm eylediğimiz hengâmda el-hakk hükûmet-i âdile-i İslâmiyyenin deryâ-ı merhameti cûş ü hurûşa gelerek kemâl-i derece şefakat ve gurebâ-nevâzîye mazhar buyurularak iskân ve istirâhatımız için milyonlarca altun kîselcrinin fedâ buyurulduğu bir emr-i âşikâr ise de ne çâre ki ol vakit ekser memûrîni "Mesâibun kavma 'anda kavmi favâidu" farziyyesini tamâmıyla fırsat ittihâz ve bir taraftan hazîne-i devleti hasâr ve dîğer cihetten muhâcirîni bütün bütün perîşân ve târumâr eylediler.

3. Rûmilinde sa'âdetlü Nusret Paşa hazretleri ve Anadoluda ba'zı dirâyetkâr memûrlar ma'rifetiyle iskân olunan muhâcirîn sâye-i ömr-ül-vâye-i ccnâb-ı zillullahîde kesb-i temevvül ederck muhâcirîn hakkında tesîs buyurulan nizâmât iktizâsınca tckâlif-i meşû'a-ı mîriyyeyi sırasıyla ve ma'-ül-iftihâr îfâ eylemektedirler.

4. Ve bir takım hâin ve dirâyetsiz memûrlar dâimâ menâfi'-i şahsiyyelerini ebnâ-ı cinsinin mazarratinda mütcneffizân-ı ahâlî-i kadîme mürtekibleriylc bi-1-ittifâk arâzî-i hâliyye-i mîriyyeyi hükûmet-i seniyyeden ihfâ yok yok âdetâ sirkat ve ancak üzerinde kırk nihâyet elli hâne zerrâ'ın ta'ayyüş edebileceği bir mahalde gûyâ ordu çadırı kurarcasına üç dört yüz hâne birleştirdiler. İşte muhâcirîn kullarından her ne dürlü uygunsuzluk zuhûr eder ise menşe-i aslîsi budur. Ez-cümle Tekfurdağı sancağı dâhilinde kâin Mandıra nâm mahalde tâmm üç yüz hâne iskân olundu. Hâlbuki mahall-i mezkûrde kırk nihâyet elli hâne reneberin ta'ayyüş edebileceği ednâ bir tahkik ile anlaşılır bir keyfiyyettir.

5. Ve muhâcirînden daha рек çok fukarâ mevcûdtur ki cânib-i dcvletten kendilerine ihsân olunması mukadder olan ököz ve hâne pahâsı ve âlât-ı zirâ'iyye ve ta'yînâtı hâlâ dest-res olamadılar. Cây-ı şikâyct surasıdır ki bu memûrlar muhâcirînin kâffcsi ber-vefk-i dil-hâh-ı devlet iskan olundu ve haklarında tesîs buyurulan nizâmât mûcibince ber-vech-i matlûb eksikleri kalmadı diye Bâb-ı Âlîyi iğfâl etmektedirler.

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6. Ve içimizden şimdiye kadar Der-sa'âdete gelip takdîm-i arz-ı hâl edenlere beş altı ay hân köşelerinde bin dürlü sefâlet çektirdikten sonra Muhâcirîn İdâresinin i'iâmı üzerine makam-ı âlî-i sadâretten "Bu âdemin işi dediği gibi ise siz yine bildiğiniz gibi edin" meâlinde sudan bir emirnâme verilmekte. O bîçâre de emirnâmeyi alıp mahalline avdet vâlî yâhûd mutasarrıf paşa hazretlerine mürâca'at eylediğinde mezkûr emr-i âlînin kuvvet-i meâline göre havâle-i sem' ve i'tibâr olunmayıp minder altına hıfz olunduktan başka getiren zavallı bir de bu yüzden mazhar-ı zahme ve tahkir olmaktadır.

7. Cemî'-i akvâm vc kabâil ve milel-i mütemeddinede bile nîk ü bed ve müeddeb ve edebsizlerin mevcûd bulunması muktezâ-ı kanûn-ı tabî'at bulunduğu misillü muhâcirîn-i Çerâkiseden dahi ânifen zikr olunan memûrlann mu'âmelât-ı unfiyyelerinden dûçâr-ı yes olan ba'zı sebük-magzânın fazâhat-ı sirkati irtikâb etmekte olduklarını ma'a-t-teessüf görüyoruz.

8. Biz ki umûm Çerâkiseyiz dîn ve nâmûsumuz uğurunda bâlâda zikr olunan fedâkârlıkları ihtiyâr edegelmişiz. Elbette o fazâhatı bir vechle hazm ve kabûl edemeyiz ve mütecâsirlerini derhâl hükûmet memûrlarına ihbâr ederiz. Memûrîn ise o misillü erâzîl ile bizi alenen meydân-ı muhâkemeye çeker ve eşhâs-ı deniyyenin sârik olduğunu şer'an isbât etmemizi teklîf eder. Hâlbuki bu takdîrde mu'teberân ve ehl-i ırzlarımızın her biri kâr ü kesbini terk ve bir de berâberlcrine ikişer şâhid alarak hîn-i iktizâda şer'an isbât edebilmek için rûz şeb hırsızların arkasında dolaşmak lâzım gelir. Bu ise dâire-i imkândan bîrûn olup bizim ancak bu husûsta yapabileceğimiz budur ki karyemiz ahâlîsinden bir gûne kâr ü kesbi olmadığı sahîh ve fakr-ı çâre derkâr iken refâh-ı hâlde geçinmekte olanların hırsız ve eşhâs-ı muzırreden olduklarını lâyıkıyla hiss ederiz, meselâ bugün bir şeye mâlik olmayan bir âdemin dest-i tasarrufunda ferdâsı birkaç hayvân görülür ise o âdemin sârik olduğuna aslâ şübhemiz kalmaz ve tutar hükûmete teslîm ederiz. Hükûmet ânları mücâzât etmek şöyle dursun birkaç günden sonra her ne esbâba mcbnî ise mültefiten kendi hâllerine koyuverir ve daha bedterler olur. Ve sâir edânî dahi âna bakar tarîk-i şekavete sülûk eder.

9. Belâ-ı mübrem şurasıdır ki vatan-ı azîz ve mâl ve emlâkımızı terk ile yalnız dîn ve nâmûs-ı bendegânemizi imâm-ül-müslimîn ve muktedâ-ı cemî'-ül-mü'minîn ve halıfe-i rûy-i zemîn ve vekîl-i resûl-i emîn pâdişâh-ı şerî'at-penâh efendimiz hazretleriyle Osmânlı karındaşlarımıza sığındırmış iken zikr olunan memûrînin sû-i idâre ve mu'âmelât-ı unfiyyeleri nâmûs-ı acizânemizi hetk ve hukuk-ı milliyyemizi pâymâl ediyor.

10. Ve ber-minvâl-i muharrer bu memûrların müsâmaha ve müsâ'adeleriyle zuhûra gelen edebsizlikleri bilâ-istisnâ umûm muhâcirîn kullarına azv ve isnâd ve bütün Çerkesler hırsız ve haydûdtur diyerek dâimâ mihmândârımız bulunan ahâlî-i kadîme vatandaşlarımız miyânemize ilka-ı nefret ve bürûdetten geri durmuyorlar ve âdetâ kendilerinin nazarlarında olduğumuz gibi ahâlî-i kadîmeye bizden alçak ve ednâ bir millet dünyâda daha mevcûd olmadığını işrâb etmektedirler.

11. Muhâcirîn kulları ise haydûdluk ve hırsızlığı hîç bir vakit kabûl etmeyiz. Fî-1-vâki' vatan-ı asliyyemizde iken elden geldiği kadar bi-gayr-ı hakk bize musallat olan düşmenimizin ızrârına sa'y ü gayret ve buna müdâvemet eder idik. Lakin vatanımız içinde hırsızlık ve ebnâ-ı vatanı ızrâra ictisâr edenleri bilâ-müsâmaha ber-muceb-i şer'-i şerîf şedîden tedîb ve terbiye ve her dürlü umûr ve husûsâtimizda ulemâ ve ümerâmiz vâsıtasıyla hudûd-ı şer'iyyeyi bilâ-noksân icrâ eder idik.

12. Şimdiye burada ya'nî Anadolu ve Rûmilinde vatanımızda iken icrâ-ı ahkâm-ı şer'iyye için teşmîr-i sâk gayret edegelen rüesâmız hôr ve hakir ve bir takım fürûmâye ve edânîmiz kâmrân ve emîr oldu.

13. Bir de taşra memûrları muttasıl muhâcirîn hakkında silâh taşımak memnû'dur diye çâr-nâçâr terk-i silâh ettirmekte ve bilâ-silâh kendi mesâlih-i meşrû'aları için öteye beriye âmed şüd olan ehl-i ırz âdemlerimizden pek çok bî-günâhların esnâ-ı râhta orman ve balkanlardan geçer iken katl olunduğu lâyıkıyla tahkik olunur ise anlaşılır.

14. Lakin bizim bu husûsta asıl cây-ı esef ve ıztırâbımız şurasıdır ki bütün muhâcirîn kullan yedi yaşından yetmiş yaşına kadar hîn-i iktizâda dîn ve devletimiz uğur-ı meyâmin-i mevfûrunda meyâdîn-i hurûb ve vegada fedâ-ı ser ü cân etmekliğe her ân hâzır ve muntazır-ı fcrmân bulunmak iktizâ-ı âmâl ve ârzûmuz iken yazık ki min-el-kadîm bâis-i fahr ve mübâhâtımız olan fenn-i şerîf-i silâhşôrîyi külliyyen ferâmûş edeceğiz eyvâh.

15. Eyvâhımıza sebeb budur ki Ruslar cidden vatanımıza musallat olup biz de elden geldiği kadar müdâfa'a ve mukavemette sâbit olduğumuz için tabî'î düşmenimiz bulunduğu derkâr iken esliha ve elbise ve silâhşôrluğumuzu evvel derece pesend ve kabûl ederek ekserî süvârîsi elbise ve eslihaca tıbkı Çerkesler kıyâfetine koymuş ve ümerâ ve ceneral ve ordu kumandanları bile bu heyete girmiş ve elân bu hcyette olan süvârîsi tczyîd edilmektedir.

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16. Cânib-i hükûmet-i seniyyeden irâe buyurulan arâzî elân beynlerince nâ-mahdûd olup bu dahi bâis-i izmihlâl-i muhâcirîn olmağla eğer arâzî-i mezkûre muhâcirîn kullarına hakikaten temlîk ve ihsân buyurulmuş ise her karyenin iskân olunduğu arâzînin şâmil olduğu tarla ve mer'âları memûrîn-i mahsûsa ta'yîniyle nizâmî vechile beyn-el-ahâlî hâne ve nüfûslarına göre bi-t-taksîm iktizâ eden koçan ve tapu senedlerinin yedlerine i'tâ buyurulması.

17. Ve hattâ ekser muhâcirîn yedlerinde bir sened ve hüccet olmadığı için memûru ma'rifetiyle kendilerine verilen arâzîyi ma'mûr ederek birkaç sene ekip biçtikten sonra ahâlî-i kadîme mütegallibleri ba'zı mürtekib memûrlarla uyuşup bir takım hiyel ve desâisle istirdâd olunmaktadır.

18. Ekser muhâcirîn karyelerinde cevâmi' ve mekâtib sûret-i kifâyede mevcûd bulunmadığı misillü Osmânh lisânına lâyıkıyla âşinâ hôca ve mu'allim bulunmadığından etfâl-i muhâcirîn câhil kalmakta ve mekâtib-i askeriyyeye kayd ve tahrîrini istirhâm eylediğimiz evlâdımızdan ancak yiğirmiden biri ekâbirden ba'zı zevâtın ilkası üzerine ahınıp kusûru redd olunmakta olduğu cihetle "Al-ihsân bi-t-tamâm" fehvâsınca zikr olunan cevâmi' ve mekâtib ve mu'allimlerimizi ikmâl ve mekâtib-i askeriyyeye takdîm eylediğimiz etfâlden nizâmen şâyân-ı kabûl derecede sıhhat-i beden ve tenâsüb-i a'zâya mâlik olan zâdegân-ı bendegânemizin redd kılınmaması.

19. Akvâm-ı Çerâkisenin min-el-kadîm üserâ-ı meşrû'amız olup ve bu bizde olan esâret mukaddemâ Amerika ve Avrupa ve Afrikanin ba'zı mahallerinde olduğu misillü esâret-i kahriyye ve dürlü dürlü insâniyyete yakışmaz hakkaniyyete siğmaz mu'âmelât-ı şedîde-i unfiyye ile bir millet-i mütegallibe milel-i za'îfe-i mağlûbeyi taht-el-cebr kullandığı gibi olmayıp şeri'at-ı garrâ-ı Ahmediyyenin tecvîz ve tahdîd buyurduğu vech üzere mu'âmelât-ı nevâzişgârâne ile istihdâm ve "Al-'abdu va mâ yamlikuhu li-mavlâhu" ka'ide-i hikmet'âde-i şer'iyyenin hâricinde olarak bu kölelerimize pek çok müsâ'adât edegelmişiz. Hâsılı bizde olan esâret ecnebîlerin i'tirâz eyledikleri esâret değildir.

20. Ve min-el-kadîm üserâmız ile miyânemizde cereyân eden usûlümüze tatbîkan ânlara zirâ'at edecek yer irâe ve çift sürecek öküz ve sâir âlât-ı zirâ'iyye ve levâzımât-ı sınâ'iyyeyi i'tâ eder ve taht-ı nezâret ve himâyet ve mu'âvenetimizde çalıştırırız ve meydâna getirilen mahsûlât-ı arziyyeden evvelâ a'şâr-ı şer'iyyeyi ihrâc ve sâniyen tohumluğu ifrâr ve ba'de ne kalır ise bi-1-münâsafa taksîm ederiz.

21. Bundan mâ'adâ havâyic-i asliyyemizin tedârükünden sonra yine bizim ânlara i'tâ eylediğimiz esbâb ve levâzımâtı kendi menâfi'-i şahsiyyelerinde isti'mâl ve ne kazanırlar ise kendi mülk-i sahîhleri gibi tasarruf ederler. Hattâ efendilerinin müsâ'ade ve mu'âvenetleriyle ağalarından daha ziyâde nâil-i servet olan birçok kölelerimiz vardır.

22. Ve bizim kölelerimizden bekâr bulunanlar sâir köle familyalarından kimin kızını beğenir ve tarafeynin hüsn-i nızâsı husûle gelir ise memleketimiz âdetince maktû' olan kıymet-i mukarreresini kendi mâlımızdan îfâsıyla ahz ve sünnet-i seniyye-i nebeviyye üzere akd ve izdivâc eder ve bizim kölelerimizin kızlarını dahi bu minvâl üzere kendi beğendiklerine verir ve biz de gider kıymetini alır ve âdetimiz vechile ebeveyne mahsûs olan avâidi i'tâ ve kusûrunu keyfe-mâ-ycşâ' tasarruf ederiz.

23. Ve bu köle familyalarından başka bir de ev içi câriyesi ma'nâsında olan lisânımızca "vunaşfa ut" ta'bîr olunan bir takım üserâmız daha vardır ki bunlar zikr olunan usûl ve şerâitten müstesnâ olunup âdetâ Osmânlı gulâm ve câriyeleri hükmündedir.

24. İşte bizde olan esâret bunlardan ibâret olup memâlik-i mahrûsa-ı Osmâniyyede dahi bu yolda yaşamak ve şurût-ı mezkûrcye tamâmıyla ri'âyet olunmak emel-i âcizânemizle bütün emlâkımızı terk ve nukud-ı mevcûde ve meksûbemizi bu kölelerimiz için sarf ederek dâr-ül-âmân-ı hilâfet-i aliyyeye dehâlet eyledik. Esnâ-ı muhâceretimizde hükûmet-i seniyye usûl-i kadîmemizin kemâkân ibka ve icrâsı şrtını kabûl ve va'd buyurmuş. İ'tikad-ı kavîsindeyiz.

25. Şimdi bir takım ecnebî muvazzaf ve yerli görünen bî-gâne mesnedlerinin igvâsı ve ba'zı gûyâ kendi zu'm-ı fâsidelerince Avrupakârî ve âsâr-ı medeniyyet gösteren dirâyetsiz ve kavânîn ve nizâmât ve mukteziyât-ı mesâlihten bî-haber memûrların bu köleler gâh ü bî-gâh kâr ü kesb ve zirâ'atlarımızı yüz üstüne bırakıp vâdî-i isyâna pûyân ve bizler dahi ânların arkasına düşerek serserî ve sergerdân ve bu yüzden dûçâr-ı hasâr ve ziyân olmaktayız ve hükûmet-i seniyyeye âid olan a'şâr-ı meşrû'a-ı mîriyyece dahi külliyyetli noksân zuhûr etmektedir.

26. Şurasını da söylemekliğe cesâret ederiz ki haylî müddettenberi esâretin lağv reyini ve esîr satmaklığın memnû' olduğunu işitmekte isek de esîr almaklığın mümâna'atını aslâ göremiyoruz. Hattâ geçen sene sâbık ser'asker Hüseyin Avnî Paşa muhâcirîn-i Çerâkiseden Şolohun yedine kimesne tarafından mümâna'at olunmamak üzere bir emirnâme-i ser'askerî i'tâ ve Azîziyye sancağına igrâm ederek kendi dâireleri için beş on tâne câriye götürtmüş ve bunun emsâli daha pek çok ise de biz bu kadarla iktifâ eyledik.

27. Adem-i istitâ'a yâhûd ba'zı mesâlihinin tesviyesi için vatan-ı asliyyemizde ateş-i hecrân ile sûzân kalan ve bizler de burada muhâceret ve muvâsalatlarıyla çeşm-i hasretle nigerân bulunduğumuz

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anababa ve karındaş ve etfâl ve ıyâl ve ta'allükatımız olan kâffe-i mütebâkıyye-i Çerâkisenin memâlik-i mahrûsa-i şâhâneye şedd-i rahle eylemelerine mümâna'at olunmaması Rusya devlet-i fahîmesine alınmaması buyurulması aşırı mertebede sûz ü güdâzla niyâz etmekteyiz.

28. "Aşkayitu va la-isatu-ş-şakvâ li-mislî 'ibâda va lakin tafiyizu-1-kasa 'inda imtilâihâ" fehvâ-ı hikmet ihtivâsınca zikr ve tafsîliyle tasdî'-i ser-i hâkipây-ı cenâb-ı vekâlet-penâhîlerine ictisâr olunan esbâb-ı istikân-ı bendegânemizin çâre-i indifâ'ı husûsunda eşedd-i ihtiyâc ile muhtâc bulunduğumuz tedâbîr-i sâibe-i hakîmânelerini bî-dirîğ evvelâ Muhâcirîn İdâresi memûriyyeti yine ebnâ-ı cinsimizden olup ahvâl-i âcizânemize âşinâ ve devletçe dahi isbât-ı liyâkat ve sadâkat ve sâye-i füyûzâtvâye-i cenâb-ı pâdişâhîde rüteb-i fâhireyi ihrâz eden zevâta ihâle ve sâniyen sâir milel-i müttehîde-i Osmâniyyede olduğu misillü sâkin bulunduğumuz elviye kazâhâ meclislerinde içimizden okur yazar ve söz anlar âdemlerden a'zâ bulundurmak ve sâlisen umûr-ı zâbıtada dahi mu'teberân-ı muhâeirînin kefâlet-i kaviyyesiyle temîn-i nefse muktedir olan kimesnelerimizden istihdâmına müsâ'ade ve bu yüzden ahâlî-i kadîme ile miyânemizde farz-ı ayn olan ünsiyyet ve emniyyetimizin teyîd ve tebîdine himmet buyurulmak bâbinda ve her hâlde emr ü fermân hazret-i men leh-ül-emrindir.

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