Libmonster ID: MD-893
Author(s) of the publication: N. I. LEBEDEV

Editorial Board: V. N. Vinogradov (Chief Editor), corresponding member. AS USSR Ya. S. Grosul, Yu. A. Pisarev, P. V. Sovetov. 1971. 668 pp. The print run is 3,800. Price 2 rubles 91 kopecks.

The peer-reviewed work highlights an important period in the life of the fraternal Romanian people from a scientific point of view. It is the result of a long period of work by Soviet historians of Romanian studies, and it summarizes everything that has been done in this area in our country and abroad. The book is based on the study of a wide range of monographic studies and documentary publications on the key problems of modern Romanian history. The authors 1 used multi-volume collections of documents published in the Socialist Republic of Romania on the unification of the Danubian principalities and the formation of the Romanian state, on the War of Independence of 1877-1878, on the peasant uprisings of the late XIX - early XX centuries in Romania, on the labor movement, etc.; they studied materials stored in Soviet and Romanian archives. Being a generalizing work, the book at the same time provides an original study of some problems of Romanian history that have not yet received Marxist-Leninist coverage in the scientific literature.

The authors ' team was guided by the works of K. Marx and F. Engels, containing valuable methodological guidelines on economic development, social relations, and the national liberation and revolutionary struggle in Moldova, Wallachia, and Transylvania. Of particular importance were the works of V. I. Lenin, which contain not only fundamental conclusions on the problems of imperialism, but also concrete assessments of the most important moments in the socio-economic development of Romania and the activities of the Romanian social Democrats.

"The history of Romania. 1848-1917 " is of great scientific and political value. In 16 chapters, the book covers the problems of social and economic development of Romania at that time, the domestic and foreign policy of its ruling circles, and the revolutionary struggle of Romanian workers. Objectively covering the Romanian history, the authors deal a blow to the numerous falsifications generated by the interests of anti-communism.

The book opens with a chapter that analyzes the revolutionary and national liberation movements in Moldova, Wallachia, and Transylvania in 1848-1849. "The revolution of 1848 was not the first large-scale anti-feudal movement in the Danubian principalities," the book emphasizes (p. 9). An analysis of socio-economic relations in the Danubian principalities on the eve of the revolution of 1848 refutes the claim of bourgeois historiography that there were allegedly no reasons for this revolution and the revolutionary unrest was allegedly brought from outside "hotheads", Romanian emigrants who lived in France. As the Romanian historian N. Iorga wrote, " the student youth was exposed to a revolutionary contagion that was everywhere in the air." But it was not only and not so much in the mood of the Romanian youth, who got acquainted with the advanced West and decided to follow the French example. The authors of the book write: "We are far from denying the important and even leading role of the revolutionary youth in the events of 1848. But this role itself became possible because the conditions for a revolutionary upsurge were ripe in Moldova, Wallachia, and Transylvania" (p.19). The chapter shows the alignment of class forces, analyzes the reasons for the relatively moderate position of the bourgeoisie of Moldova and Wallachia. This was due to the weakness of the industrial bourgeoisie, the predominance of merchants in its composition, whose interests were closely linked with that part of the boyars who sought to switch to more progressive capitalist methods of farming, but by no means wanted to give up land in favor of the peasants. That is why the main part of the leaders of the movement of 1848 refused to take drastic measures in the agrarian question.

The history of Rumania does not know of a victorious bourgeois revolution. In 1848-1849, internal and external reaction prevailed over the revolutionary forces in the Romanian principalities. The transition process to

1 Authors: A. I. Babiy, V. N. Vinogradov, M. M. Zalyshkin, T. M. Islamov, B. B. Kross, E. D. Levit, A. K. Moshanu, I. I. Orlik, K. F. Popovich, E. I. Spivakovsky, E. E. Chertan.

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capitalism was delayed in Moldova and Wallachia for another decade. The main bourgeois transformations took place simultaneously with the struggle for the unification of the Danubian principalities and the formation of the Romanian State (1859-1861), for the conquest of national independence and liberation from the yoke of the Ottoman Empire (1877). Only then did the boyar class lose its privileges; monastic lands were secularized, feudal duties of peasants were abolished, who received a heavy ransom land plots; administrative and judicial reforms were carried out; electoral laws based on property qualifications were adopted; basic bourgeois rights and freedoms were formally proclaimed; the bourgeois Constitution of 1866 was introduced.

The unification of the Danubian Principalities was made possible by the decisive actions of the masses of the people: the peasantry and the urban lower classes. All of them associated with the formation of a single Romanian state the realization of the aspirations of not only national, but also social liberation. However, the demands of the masses met with fierce resistance from the "upper classes". Even the moderate and half-hearted agrarian reform of 1864, carried out by M. Kogelniceanu and Prince A. I. Kuza under pressure from the peasantry, caused discontent among the majority of landowners and cost the latter the throne. The "monstrous coalition" that came to power was the embodiment of the alliance between the landlords and the big bourgeoisie that determined the policy of the ruling circles of Romania. The book analyzes the specific features of this union, shows the change in the balance of forces within it and the emergence of the big bourgeoisie in the first place after the war of 1877-1878. The bourgeois-landlord bloc, despite the rather significant differences between its members, was united by the common interests of preserving the rule of capitalists and landlords. The conciliatory tendencies of the Romanian bourgeoisie prevailed and formed the basis of its political course. Large-scale Romanian capital has become a reactionary force, adapting itself to the most difficult feudal remnants that have been preserved in the country's agriculture.

In close connection with the analysis of the economic and socio-political structure of Romania at that time, the struggle of the masses of the people is analyzed. The transition of the big Romanian bourgeoisie to the reactionary camp at an early stage of the development of Romanian capitalism led to the fact that the solution of tasks related to the completion of the bourgeois-democratic revolution fell to the share of the working class and its allies. "As the Roumanian bourgeoisie abandoned even the limited slogans of the revolution of 1848 and became an increasingly reactionary force, its influence on the working class diminished. The Romanian proletariat became the main driving force of the revolutionary struggles" (p. 318).

Showing the struggle of the masses of the people occupies a central place in the peer-reviewed work. The movement of the peasantry for land and the elimination of feudal remnants resulted in terrible uprisings, the largest of which were the uprisings of 1888 and especially 1907. The chapter devoted to the peasant uprising of 1907 clearly defines the nature of the movement, its scope, the attitude of various social groups and classes towards the rebels, and the position of the workers ' and socialist movements. "The year 1907 went down in the history of the Romanian people just as 1905 went down in the history of the peoples of Russia. The 1907 uprising was one of the largest revolutionary movements in Europe at the beginning of the 20th century. The influence of the peasant movement in neighboring Russia on him is unquestionable, " the book states (p. 465). The big bourgeoisie, which began to play a major role in the bourgeois-landlord coalition, became a counterrevolutionary force-the organizer of the suppression of the uprising. The ruling circles of Romania, refusing to raise the main question of land for the peasants, were forced, however, to carry out some reforms that gave V. I. Lenin a reason to compare the results of the 1907 uprising for Romania with what the struggle of 1905 - 1907 brought to the Russian peasantry2 .

The authors trace the development of the workers ' and socialist movement in Romania step by step. The workers ' demands for better economic conditions are being replaced by a struggle for general democratic transformation, for civil liberties, for the overthrow of the monarchy and the establishment of a republican system. Finally, the working class is rising up against capitalist exploitation, against capitalism as a social system. From the first mutual aid working groups to professional organizations and political workers clubs-

2 See V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 28, p. 72.

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bam, and then to the formation of a social-democratic party - that is the way. The process of development of the socialist movement in the country is shown in all its complexity and inconsistency. Overcoming erroneous views and the influence of pre-Marxist forms of socialism, it moved towards Marxism. A concrete analysis of the economic and socio - political situation in Romania reveals the roots of reformist and centrist trends that had a significant impact on the Romanian socialist movement. Much attention is paid to the struggle between revolutionary and reformist tendencies in the labor movement, as well as to the analysis of the views and policies of the Romanian Social Democrats on the main issues of strategy and tactics. The authors also showed the enormous influence on this struggle of the revolutionary movement in Russia and the dissemination of Lenin's works in Romania, which contributed to the strengthening of the left wing in Romanian social democracy. "The further dissemination of Marxist works in the country, including the publication of Lenin's works in Romania, played a great role in strengthening the position of the left wing in the Romanian labor movement" (p.485).

The traditions of friendship and cooperation between the peoples of Russia and Romania are vividly reflected in the book, which contains a wealth of factual material about Russian-Romanian relations, both interstate and cultural, and especially revolutionary. Russia provided significant support for the unification of the Danubian principalities. The news of the election of A. I. Cuza as prince in Moldova and Wallachia was received with warm sympathy by N. G. Chernyshevsky and other Russian revolutionary democrats. Official St. Petersburg heeded the advice of the Russian Consul General in Bucharest, N. K. Geers, who wrote in his report: "We really should, if possible, support the choice of Cuza-just because this destroys all the Turkish-Austrian intrigues. If, as I believe, the French speak out warmly for this cause, we should keep up with them, for otherwise they alone will have the honor and glory of the Rumans, over whom we must always have a good influence in the neighborhood and for unforeseen circumstances " (p. 122). When after the overthrow of A. I. When information began to arrive from the Romanian throne in St. Petersburg that Bonaparte was not averse to transferring Romania to the Habsburgs in exchange for the annexation of Venice to Italy, Gorchakov categorically stated in 1866 that Russia would respond with war to an attempt to turn the principality of Romania into an Austrian province. During a meeting in Salzburg with Franz Joseph in August 1867, the French emperor, for whom Rumania was only a bargaining chip in a big diplomatic game, explicitly said that he would not object to Romania joining Austria, of course, in exchange for supporting the Habsburgs in the event of a Franco-Prussian war. In this connection, the annual report of the Russian Imperial Ministry of Foreign Affairs for 1867 not without reason emphasized: "The Salzburg meeting of France with Austria, which does not hide its views on the principalities, finally convinced not only the prince, but also the most ardent detractors of Russia that they can only find support for their national aspirations in the imperial government"(p. 195, 198).

Special attention should be paid to the diplomatic and military cooperation between Russia and Romania during the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878, which went down in Romanian history under the name of the War of Independence. When Russia declared war on Turkey (April 12, 1877) and, in accordance with the Russo-Romanian agreement (April 4, 1877), sent its troops to Romania, the Romanian Parliament adopted (May 9, 1877) a resolution proclaiming the "complete independence" of Romania. Russia provided financial assistance to the Romanian government, as well as supplied weapons and ammunition for the Romanian army, which joined the joint war against Turkey. During this war, the Russian-Romanian military community was formed and strengthened. It began even before the official agreement on a military alliance. In the first weeks of the Russo-Turkish war, the most friendly relations were established between the Romanian and Russian soldiers and officers. The commanders of the Russian units were already given special instructions on entering the principalities to support the Romanian troops in the event of an attack by the Turks and to protect the population from Turkish raids. Romanian troops, taking up defensive positions along the border with Turkey, thereby created favorable conditions for the advance of the Russian army to the theater of operations. On the other hand, the output is Russian

page 158

The move to the Danube finally eliminated the threat of a Turkish invasion of Romania. Many glorious pages in the history of the Russian-Romanian military community were written during the heavy and bloody siege of Plevna (p. 238, 240). At the signing of the Peace of San Stefano and at the Berlin Congress in the summer of 1878, Russia achieved recognition of the state independence of Romania by Turkey and the Western powers. The War of Independence, which left a deep mark on Russian-Romanian relations, contributed to the strengthening of friendly ties between the peoples of the two neighboring countries.

A prominent place in the book is occupied by Russian-Romanian revolutionary ties. The extensive research work carried out in the Soviet Union and the Socialist Republic of Romania, as well as the abundance of material already accumulated in this area, allowed the authors of the relevant sections to devote interesting pages to this issue, to show in detail the role of revolutionary narodniks, natives of Russia, in the Romanian socialist circles of the 70s of the XIX century. According to the well-known Romanian historian P. Constantinescu-Yash, "the activities of the Russian revolutionary democrats were of particular importance for the revolutionary movement in our country, because thanks to them, centers of revolutionary propaganda were created in Iasi, Galac, and Bucharest after 1874, from which the first popularizers of Marxism in Romania later emerged" (p.289). Revolutionaries N. Zubcu-Codreanu and K. Dobrogeanu-Gerea, who arrived from Russia, settled in Iasi and began to act. Together with E. Lupu, they organized the first socialist circles in Iasi and Bucharest. "The ideological basis of the first Romanian socialist circles was initially the ideology of the Russian Narodniks. Like the Russian Narodniks of the 70s, the Romanian socialists were sincere, honest revolutionaries. But they did not see the possibilities of the working class in the struggle to overthrow the existing system" (p.290).

A serious contribution to the spread of Marxism in Romania was made by Karl Marx. Dobrogeanu-Gerya, who in the mid-80s evolved from narodism to revolutionary democracy, and from it to Marxism. But already in the first works of K. Dobrogeanu-Gerya, reformist ideas were contained in the embryo, which found the most complete expression about twenty years later in his book "Neocrefdom" (1910) and the article "Socialism in backward countries".

The first Russian Revolution had a profound impact on Romania. One of the most prominent leaders of the revolutionary wing of the Romanian social democracy, Ion Frimu, declared: "The heroic struggle of the Russian comrades is not only of local significance, it has found a response all over the world... Their example inspired us too "(p. 410). Under its influence, the revolutionary upsurge of 1905 - 1910 is taking place in Romania. The struggle against reformism in the Romanian workers ' and socialist movement intensified under the influence of Lenin's ideas during the First World War. With the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution, a new stage in the world revolutionary movement has begun. The revolutionary wing of the Romanian social Democracy merged to form the Communist Party of Romania (May 1921).

For the first time in Soviet literature, the book deals in detail and in research terms with the foreign policy course of the Romanian rulers in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This is its dignity. Until now, the works of Soviet historians covered either the period of the 70s of the XIX century, or the time of the Balkan wars and the First World War. The thirty-year period that lay between them remained a blank spot in historiography. But this is a whole era of old Romania's foreign policy, at the beginning of which it joined the Triple Alliance, and at the end of which it was on the verge of leaving it.

The analysis of the foreign policy course of the Romanian ruling circles is given in close connection with the analysis of the country's economic development, its domestic and international situation. It shows that the aggressive appetites of the Romanian oligarchy grew with the strengthening of Romanian capitalism (and even outstripped it). The foreign policy "game on two tables", so characteristic of the policy of the bourgeois-landlord rulers of Romania in the period between the two World Wars, has its roots in the previous era. On the eve and during the First World War, the Romanian government negotiated with both the Entente and the Central Powers in an effort to achieve a program of territorial acquisitions. "When the tsarist government met her in April 1915, it was

page 159

I am amazed at its scope. It went far beyond what could be justified by concern for the unification of the Romanian lands. Bratianu claimed a number of territories inhabited by Ukrainians, Hungarians and Serbs. Only for such a price did he agree to enter the war" (pp. 539, 540). The book strongly emphasizes that this policy should never be confused with the legitimate desire of the Romanian people to unite with the Romanians Transylvania, Banat and other regions that were then part of Austria-Hungary, although the bourgeois-landowner circles tried to cover up their aggressive plans for foreign lands with the popular slogan of unification among the masses.

The history of Transylvania and Banat, which became part of Romania after the First World War, is given in close connection with the history of the Old Kingdom - Romania within 1913. Several chapters and sections are devoted to these territories. They show the complex interweaving of social and national struggles in these areas on the basis of extensive factual material. For the first time in a generalizing work on the history of Romania, a special sketch of the development of science and culture in the second half of the XIX - beginning of the XX century is given (see chapter XVI). Despite its brevity, this essay gives a clear idea of the main directions of cultural life in Romania at that time.

In conclusion, it is necessary to emphasize once again the great scientific and political importance of publishing a book on the history of Romania in 1848-1917. It will be read with great interest not only by specialists, but also by a wide range of readers who want to learn more about the past of the fraternal Romanian people.


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