Two decades ago, Bukhara Jews in Central Asia were a large ethnic and confessional group with a long history. It seemed that their presence in the cities of Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, where they traditionally lived, was firmly and organically integrated into the local social, economic and cultural space. However, as a result of mass emigration that began in the second half of the 1980s, other countries and continents became places of residence for Bukharian Jews [Emelianenko, 2009, p. 15]. The change of the former and the development of new territorial and cultural borders more clearly marked the value orientations that traditionally defined the community of Bukhara Jews.

Keywords: Bukhara Jews, ethno-cultural adaptation, self-consciousness, ethnic stereotypes, Central Asia.

At present, only a few families of Bukharian Jews, who remain mainly in Bukhara, Samarkand, Tashkent, and Kokand, recall the existence of once-populous Jewish communities in ^the region1. But for those who have left Central Asia, awareness of the place of their ethnic group in the Central Asian historical and cultural space has become particularly important. This is evidenced, in particular, by the many popular scientific publications, books on history and culture, and memoirs that are published in the main countries of the current residence of Bukharian Jews - the United States and Israel-and on their initiative.² A significant place in this kind of literature is occupied by the stories of family dynasties and biographies of people who have proved themselves in various fields of science, art, and social ^activities3. All publications clearly show the desire of Bukharian Jews not only to link their faith in the Jewish community, but also to create a new identity.

¹ According to data from 1927, Bukharian Jews lived in 36 localities in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, where their communities ranged from 10,000 (Samarkand) to one and a half to two dozen people (Kogan, Urgut) [APII, f. 5, op. 5, d.14, l. 6-8].

² Most of the publications were published in the 1980s and early 21st century. With rare exceptions, they are written by Bukharian Jews themselves, who emigrated from Uzbekistan and Tajikistan in different years of the 20th century (see, for example: [Benyaminov, 1983; Datkhaev, 1995; Ochildiev, 1998; Shalomaev, 2000; History of Bukharian Jews, 2005]).

³ Articles on this topic are published in "Bukharskaya Gazeta", published in New York, published in the newspaper "Shofar" and collections of articles "Years, people, facts", until recently published by the Cultural Center of Bukharian Jews of Samarkand. R. Nektalov's publication (Nektalov, 1993) is devoted to the life and work of Bukharian Jews - singers and musicians of Samarkand. In most books published by Bukhara Jewish emigrants, large sections are devoted to the biographies of prominent personalities belonging to this ethnic community.

cultural identity with Central Asia, but also to celebrate their contribution to the history and culture of the region.

At the level of mass consciousness, this tendency was clearly manifested among Bukharian Jews in the period when they left the Central Asian borders. In the course of field ethnographic works4, most Jewish informants from Bukhara, regardless of the subject of the survey, sought, on the one hand, to contrast themselves (in customs, traditions, and way of life) with the surrounding population - Tajiks and Uzbeks (the "we-they" dichotomy). [Emelianenko, 2008, p. 173-181], and on the other hand - to emphasize the antiquity and usefulness of their stay in Central Asia. As arguments, information from literary sources and folk traditions were cited, and special attention was paid to the fact that the presence of their ethno-confessional group in the region was initiated or encouraged by the local population and authorities. So, retelling one of the versions according to which the Jews were brought to Central Asia by Timur, the informant focused on the fact that they were skilled craftsmen, designed to help the development of crafts and urban planning, and contribute to the revival of Samarkand. According to another popular legend, the Emir of Bukhara (which one is usually not specified) invited a Jewish doctor to settle in the city, who cured his terminally ill daughter. In gratitude for this, the Emir allowed nine more Jews to settle down so that they could perform prayer according to the Jewish ritual.⁵

In another version of the legend, an Iranian Jewish dyer appears, who dyed silk fabric so skillfully that the admiring emir allowed him to settle in Bukhara [Datkhaev, 1992, p. 10]. It is said that the mother of the last Emir of Bukhara, Alim Khan, bequeathed to her son: "Love the Jews, respect them, do not be rude to them...", and when he began to build his summer residence Sitora-i Mohi Hossa, he selected among the craftsmen only those who were not engaged in the construction of houses for children at that time. Bukhara Jews, recognizing the priority of this work. In different cities of Uzbekistan, Bukharan Jews I spoke with told me that the Tajiks and Uzbeks loved them, respected their religion ("You are the first children of God," as the Tajiks say about us today), that they came to their funerals and weddings, and that those who did not know what they were supposed to do with their religion. emigrates, colleagues and friends arrange solemn send-offs, give memorable gifts [PMA, 1993-1994, 2002]. In general, according to Bukharian Jews, with their departure in Central Asia, everything changed for the worse, baraka ("happiness", "well-being") disappeared, which, thanks to their presence, extended to everyone who lived near them. And it is necessary to have "at least 2-3 Jews" in order for people to live happily - this is sometimes the reason why old people explain their unwillingness to emigrate from Central Asia [PMA, 2010].

For some Bukharan Jews, ties with their former homeland were not interrupted by their departure - correspondence is maintained with friends, Uzbeks and Tajiks, they come to visit them, as well as to visit the graves of their relatives. Thanks to donations and special contributions, Jewish cemeteries in Central Asia are kept in perfect order even in places where not a single Bukharian Jew has remained for a long time. ⁶ Most of those who have left, however, do not have the opportunity to visit Central Asian land, although belonging to it, to its history and culture remains an essential component of their identity, regardless of their current location. accommodation ⁷.

⁴ I started my ethnographic research among Bukharan Jews in 1993, when a significant part of them still remained in their traditional places of residence, but the question of leaving for many was already completely resolved or postponed for the near future.

⁵ According to the Talmud, for public worship and a number of religious ceremonies, the presence of 10 minyan people is required.

⁶ The supervision of cemeteries of Bukharan Jews is carried out by Uzbeks or Tajiks hired by them. This job pays handsomely. In Shakhrisabz, for example, according to local residents, the caretaker will receive $ 2,000, although it is possible that the amount is exaggerated [PMA, 2010].

⁷ Some aspects of Bukharian Jews ' residence in Israel, the United States, and European countries are covered in the article by A. Kaganovich (2003).

At the same time, in Central Asia, the former presence of Bukharian Jews is gradually being forgotten, even in cities where their communities used to exist. The surrounding Muslim population had not previously understood much about their particular cultures and did not show much interest in them. In the first period after their departure, there was an acute shortage of professional personnel in the areas that were previously dominated by Bukharian Jews. However, over time, Uzbeks and Tajiks occupied the professional niches they had vacated, and they also mastered the types of activities that they had previously ignored due to their religious beliefs or considered unappreciative (especially in the service sector - shoe repair, hairdressing, photography, etc.). In their midst, even sozanda appeared, which previously were traditionally only Bukharian Jewish women. According to Muslim norms, such an occupation is considered indecent, like any musical and artistic activity, but its demand and good pay made it possible to ignore public opinion, which, in turn, accepted that Muslims now have to do what was previously reserved for representatives of other ethnic and religious groups who have now emigrated.

I note, however, that, in general opinion, the quality of the work of "their" masters (in various fields) is often lower than that of Bukharian Jews. In Bukhara, for example, they still remember the Jewish sozanda Toifakhon (Tofa Pinkhasova), in whose queue they signed up in advance, and proudly say that they could at least once invite her to their celebrations. Bukharian Jewish doctors are remembered everywhere, and they preferred to go to them, trusting their professionalism. Women regret that there were no Jewish jewelers in Bukhara, who always had gold, "old royal and Bukhara gold coins" ⁸ and who "could only make really beautiful and expensive gold jewelry" [PMA, 2002, 2010]. The fashion for gold jewelry spread among Uzbek and Tajik women in the XX century. Men remember the taste of a special vodka that was made at home and sold by Bukharian Jews, "strong and cheap", and which was so called-dzhugut arak ("Jewish vodka"), as well as white wine shikhor, made from raisins [PMA, 2010].

It is fair to say that the residents of Central Asia regret not so much the emigration of Bukharian Jews, but the fact that so many representatives of different nationalities left - Russians, Jews, Tatars and others. "When we were children, we used to play together, run to each other, and there we would treat them-the Tatars made delicious coffee, made sweets, ate halta palau⁹ from the Jews, who had what...", recalled a resident of Shakhrisyabz, who grew up in a quarter with an ethnically mixed population [PMA, 2010]. It is interesting that many people associate the presence of Bukharian Jews with "better times", i.e. the era before the beginning of perestroika: "When they were working, everything was cheap. I remember that not far from my grandmother's house, a Jew was selling chickens, roosters, very cheap, " said another informant. "And when Uzbeks buy something at the bazaar today, they remember how cheap everything was under the Jews" [PMA, 2010 ]( although it is obvious that the increase in prices is in no way connected with the departure of Jews, but only coincided with it in time).

⁸ The" gold reserves " of Bukhara Jews have always been legendary. After they left, some deliberately destroyed the houses they bought from them in search of hidden treasures. There were rumors of precious finds (possibly spread by the Jews themselves). So, they say that in Kitabs, one Uzbek managed to find a vessel with coins in a Jewish house, after which everyone began to buy up the houses of emigrating Jews, which had previously been difficult for them to sell. There were cases when Jewish graves were dug up, as it was widely believed that gold dust and expensive jewelry could be found in them [PMA, 2010].

^{Halta Palau} 9 (Uzbek), Oshi Halta (Taj) or bakhsh - a special type of pilaf, which is prepared in a bag ("halta" - bag). For its preparation, mix finely chopped meat and liver, fat, rice, a lot of herbs, especially coriander (which is why bakhsh is also called "green pilaf"), and put everything in a canvas bag, which is lowered into a cauldron with boiling oil for several hours.

The fact that earlier life was more interesting, more fun, and more confident due to the presence of different peoples, that everyone lived peacefully and did not interfere with each other, can often be heard from Tajiks and Uzbeks [PMA, 20] 0], despite their characteristic stable ethno-cultural distancing. It manifested itself, first of all, in relation to interethnic marriages. Despite the fact that during the years of Soviet power their number increased significantly and they were not uncommon, they always caused a lot of complaints among the population, mainly because of the fate of children born in mixed families. In Central Asia, it was considered that such children become fools, that is, they become fools.e. having "two bloodlines", as the Tajiks translate this term, is not mixed, but two different ones, so they are to a certain extent marginal. In childhood, their peers often treated them with contempt, teased them " duraga "or" urus "("Russian"), if the child was born from a marriage with a Russian or a woman of any non-Eastern nationality. This was especially evident in Uzbek schools, so earlier parents tried to send children from mixed families to Russian schools, which were almost everywhere, but now there are only a few of them left in the largest cities.

Currently, a Jewish school is very popular in Bukhara, where children of different nationalities, including Tajiks and Uzbeks, study, and where not only a tolerant environment, but also, admittedly, more thorough knowledge is given than in other secondary educational institutions.

A particularly serious problem arose when it was time for a child from a mixed marriage to marry himself. It was especially difficult to find a match for a duraga girl, since she was not accepted into Uzbek and Tajik families, and the choice was limited to either the same duraga or representatives of other nationalities [PMA, 2010], which further "blurred" the ethnicity of future children. Therefore, the tacit ban on mixed marriages has always been present and the question of nationality in Central Asia was of no small importance when entering into marriage unions.

Marriages between Muslims and Bukharan Jews were so rare that few people can remember such cases. In the oral tradition of Bukhara Jews, however, there is a story that the grandfather of the last Emir of Bukhara, Sayyid Muzaffar Khan, specifically married Uzbeks to Jewish women who were famous for their beauty, so that "beautiful Uzbeks were born"¹⁰ [PMA, 1993-1994], although Muslims believe that seven generations of a Muslim who married a Jewish woman were born in the same country. to a Jewish woman, be damned. In Soviet times, there were still isolated marriages of Uzbeks or Tajiks to Jewish women, ¹¹ but, according to my informants, they would never have given up their daughters for Jews [PMA, 2010] ^.12

However, a Muslim woman could not be accepted into a Jewish family, especially with traditional foundations, which distinguished most families of Bukharian Jews. Rather, the marriage could take place with a Christian woman, but even if she converted to Judaism, she remained "alien" and "unclean" in the eyes of her husband's relatives.¹³ In one of the Samarkand Bukharian-Jewish families where a Russian daughter-in-law appeared, according to informants, her mother-in-law forbade her to enter the kitchen, "so as not to defile the dishes," and prepared the food herself,

¹⁰ Bukharan Jews usually present this "story" as an example of their superiority over the Uzbeks, rather than violence on their part.

¹¹ There are cases when Uzbeks who married Jewish women were recognized as Israeli citizens as having saved them from genocide during the Soviet era.

¹² The same disapproval exists for their marriages with representatives of other nationalities.

¹³ Marriages with Ashkenazim, whom Bukharian Jews considered apostates from the true faith, were also frowned upon [Emelianenko, 2008, pp. 180-181]. Mixed marriages became a problem for Bukhara Jews to emigrate when their children were not recognized as Jews (they traditionally considered that their nationality was passed down through the paternal line, just like the Muslim population) or when the community to which they were going did not accept them.

passing it (already transferred from the cauldron to the dishes for eating with "my" spoon) through the window in the fence that blocked the yard, and in the same way taking away dirty dishes ("I didn't even allow washing dishes") [PMA, 2010]. It is noteworthy that this story was told by Tajiks, who were outraged by such relations. Indeed, a daughter-in-law of a different religion or nationality was not subject to isolation, and once such a marriage took place, although not entirely approved, they put up with her presence, especially if she accepted their way of life. However, if she was Jewish, she was not invited to women's events, such as Bibi Seshambe and Mushkulkushod [Andreev, 1927], which are related to the cult of saints in Islam, which are conducted by middle-aged and older women, and could not be invited to weddings and commemorations organized by any of the residents of the mahalla-quarter community^.. The traditional embroidered bedspreads that she brought as Suzani's dowry were not hung on the walls, as they were supposed to do in Samarkand, but were folded and put away, although they were ordered by Bukharian Jewish women from Tajik embroiderers and did not differ in color or pattern [PMA, 2010].

Cultural and confessional differences contributed to mutual distancing in everyday situations. People belonging to different confessional communities rarely invited each other to family celebrations, funerals, and wakes, whose rituals, despite the similarity of many elements, had their own religious context. The rules of kashrut, the ritual norms of Jewish Law (Halakha), which apply to all aspects of life, including food, observed by the majority of Bukharian Jews, did not allow them to participate in joint meals with Muslims. At events organized, for example, in labor collectives, they came with their own dishes and food [PMA, 2010], which somehow excluded them from the general feast, which in Uzbek and Tajik cultures is given an important unifying, rallying significance. Similarly, Bukharan Jews could arrange a memorial service specifically for the deceased's co-workers on the third day according to Muslim tradition and prepare appropriate food, but the memorial days defined by Jewish tradition ¹⁵ were conducted according to their own laws and in their own environment [PMA, 1993-94, 2002].

Closer everyday communication distinguished the cities where the communities of Bukharian Jews were relatively small and not noticeably isolated from the rest of the population, as, for example, in Shakhrisabz, Karshi, Kitab, Kattakurgan and other small towns. The Jews of Tashkent and Samarkand, where large communities were densely populated in separate neighborhoods, scornfully referred to them as "kishlachny" and reproached them for having adopted too much from their Muslim neighbors, maintaining excessively close relations with them. By the way, the Jews of Bukhara were also reproached for this, despite the fact that one of the oldest and largest Jewish communities existed there. But the original polyethnicity of this city, where the trade and business interests of different peoples have long intersected, inevitably "blurred" ethno-cultural barriers. "According to legend," local Jews said, " there are seven holy places on earth, including Israel and Bukhara. There are many holy places in Bukhara, and many saints are buried in Muslim cemeteries that protect them from strife, and therefore there is a lot of good, wisdom, and sanctity in people here" [PMA, 1993 - 1994].

¹⁴ Although, according to tradition, all residents of the mahalla were supposed to be present at commemorations and weddings, regardless of whether they were familiar with the deceased or his family.

¹⁵ After seven days, commemorations of Bukharan Jews continue to be held once a week for the first month (on the day before death), then once a month, and finally the anniversary is celebrated. In addition, during the first month, a memorial service for women is held every Saturday, and then once a month.

Bukharian Jews tend to take credit for the fact that their life in Central Asia and relations with the surrounding population were developing well ¹⁶. "You need to know the psychology of Uzbeks, once again say "salam alleikum" (i.e. greet with the traditional Muslim greeting. - I.e.) and be careful - " live with self-awareness, but look around in life, because you can get a stab in the back" " [PMA, 1993-1994, 2002]. Perhaps that is why the Tajiks among the positive qualities of Bukhara Jews note first of all affability, intelligence and cunning, the ability to adapt to different conditions and situations. However, the Uzbeks, while agreeing with this characterization, interpret the latter qualities as negative and attribute them also to Tajiks, Armenians, local Iranians (Ironi) and Gypsies (people). In their view, all these peoples are very similar in mentality [PMA, 2010]. It is interesting that even in the photographs of the late 19th and early 20th centuries that were shown to them, they could not recognize Bukharian Jews and confused them with one or another of the above-mentioned peoples. The same applies to Turkmens, Azeris, or ethnic groups.To the Arabs, the Uzbeks only remarked that they were "as beautiful and rich as the Jews." Approximately the same reaction among Tajiks, only they excluded themselves from this list, although they did not deny that Bukharian Jews are similar to them and sometimes you can only distinguish them by their conversation ¹⁷ - "they somehow draw words, letters" [PMA, 2010].

Iranians living in Bukhara also recognize that they have a lot in common with Bukharian Jews and pay tribute to them: "they are as talented as we are." However, more powerful arguments in favor of a common historical past are added to this, such as the similarity of many traditional dishes. Thus, the typical type of pilaf halta palau (otherwise oshi halta or bakhsh), which they prepare for the most important events of the life cycle and on Shabbat, is also made in Iran, and Azerbaijanis also have it. Just like the Iranians, the diet of Bukharan Jews includes chicken, which was previously not used at all by the Central Asian peoples [PMA, 2010].

Belonging to a different religion, differences in the stereotypes of consciousness and behavior-all this influenced the attitude of the surrounding Muslim population towards Bukharian Jews, assessing them from the standpoint of their own religious and cultural standards. Respecting and understanding the fact that Bukharian Jews so zealously honor their religion and adhere to its precepts, since this is typical of themselves, Uzbeks and Tajiks themselves perceived these customs and religious rules without much sympathy: "Everything is so difficult and tedious for Jews, so many prohibitions! Muslims, although they also have many rules, but Muslim customs are good because they are somehow quickly accepted that they are correct. They have boring customs, but we have good ones" [PMA, 2010].

The desire of Bukharian Jews for wealth and accumulation was condemned, which in the Muslim tradition, especially among Sunnis, was considered reprehensible-a Muslim should have just enough money to provide for his family and help his relatives in need. Although some modern Tajiks and Uzbeks express themselves more prosaically: "The Jews were rich, there were no poor among them, they helped each other, and therefore the locals who were poorer envied them" ¹⁸-and many of the current residents of Central Asia strive to become rich and do not hesitate to demonstrate this. Samarkand Tajiks, for example, are proud that there are many of them

¹⁶ Indeed, despite certain restrictions that exist for Jews in the Muslim world, Bukhara Jews have never known any pogroms, outright hostility, or economic, religious, or domestic harassment by the Muslim population in their places of settlement [Emelianenko, 2009, pp. 16-17].

¹⁷ The language of the Bukharian Jews belongs to the Samarkand-Bukharian dialect of the Tajik language, but contains some phonetic, grammatical, and lexical forms of ancient Hebrew origin [Peoples of Central Asia, 1963, pp. 610-611].

¹⁸ The prosperity of the majority of Bukhara Jews was also noted by the authors of the 19th century. [Materials for statistics of the Turkestan region, 1879, p. 93].

rich people, and celebrate it as a virtue of their local group: "In Samarkand, Tajiks wear gold, they are rich. Uzbeks are poorer and don't carry gold. They live in villages, some of them are rich, but not many. All the rich people live in Samarkand" (PMA, 2010). Therefore, the reproach of Bukharian Jews for prosperity is hardly legitimate from the point of view of Muslim norms at the present time.

As already mentioned, many people tried to join the" riches " of Bukhara Jews by digging up graves and breaking down houses bought from traveling Jews. Bukharian Jews are convinced that the Muslims who bought their homes do not break them down and rebuild them to suit their tastes, but because they are looking for treasures (PMA, 2002). In fact, this may be only partially true - the new Muslim masters would have done it anyway. First of all, the layout of Jewish homes had some peculiarities. They, for example, did not provide for the allocation of the female half, since there was no traditional Muslim isolation of women, there was no outdoor terrace characteristic of Muslim homes - ayvan. Another difference in the housing of Bukhara Jews and Central Asian Muslims was identified in Bukhara by one of the informants. His comment especially clearly illustrates the difference in the mentality of former and current homeowners: "You will go home to them (Bukharian Jews).) - you'll be surprised. Our Uzbek will build a house so that there is a view from the street, but from their side the house is about to fall apart, and inside it is like in a museum, everything of value-dishes, furniture. We have the opposite. One Uzbek wanted to build a house, invited a master. He asks how to build it, and he says: "Build it any way you want, but make it 20 cm taller than your neighbor's." Even today, two - and three-story mansions are often built on the site of the houses of Bukharian Jews, although the interior is as poor as in the most ordinary traditional house [PMA, 2010].

The interior decoration of some ancient Jewish houses, indeed, was striking in its splendor-richly painted walls and ceilings, carved details made of wood and gancha. In traditional wall niches, copper vessels decorated with hammered patterns, which local artisans were famous for making, and Kuznetsov porcelain brought from Russia and very popular among Bukhara Jews were displayed.¹⁹ This style of interior decoration, especially in the mehmonkhon (guest room), is typical of the rich houses of Bukhara20, but Jews to varying degrees adhered to it in other cities as well. In Samarkand, for example, the house of the Abramov family is particularly famous for its interior ²¹. Many such houses have been preserved in Bukhara ²². Now

¹⁹ If for the Tajiks and Uzbeks the number of necessary household items was of primary importance, which reflected the idea of affluence as an opportunity to organize crowded celebrations, then for the Bukharian Jews the main thing was their value. Such things were kept in families from generation to generation, so during the emigration of Bukhara Jews, the local antique market was saturated with numerous antique items - rare dishes, traditional clothing and jewelry, Suzani embroidery and many others that they could not take out and were forced to sell.

²⁰ For example, the house of Fayzulla Khodjaev (1896-1938), who belonged to a rich merchant family, became one of the leaders of the armed uprising against the Emir of Bukhara, and after the victory of the uprising in 1920 - chairman of the Council of People's Commissars and a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Bukhara. In the preserved part of his large house, which, by the way, is located on the border with the Jewish quarter (with the back side facing it), a memorial museum is currently open. They say that he was friends with the Jews, and they have preserved a legend, though not documented, that they helped him escape from Bukhara from the Emir authorities. But if Bukharian Jews take credit for this, the local Muslim population considers it their fault, since many still believe that it is a mistake. Khojavea was a traitor who destroyed their former life with his assistance to the Soviet government. According to the residents ' recollections, they poured slop under his feet as he walked through the streets, which is a traditional expression of contempt.

²¹ The last inhabitant of this house, a historian, Professor M. M. Abramov, died in it the day before leaving for exile.

²² A Museum of Bukhara Jews was supposed to be opened in one of these houses in the 1990s, but the project has not yet been implemented, although it has not been completely canceled, and the items selected for its exposition are kept in the funds of the Bukhara State Architectural and Art Museum-Reserve.

they belong to Uzbeks or Tajiks. The most enterprising of them, having restored former Jewish dwellings and added modern amenities, opened hotels in them, which attract tourists with their exoticism.

However, the enterprising and practical nature of Bukhara Jews also once caused condemnation of the Muslim population: "they look at everything as capital." "Why did they work as shoemakers, photographers, and sell sparkling water? So that there is a daily income above the salary, " Uzbek and Tajik informants said (PMA, 2010), although they are currently engaged in these activities themselves. Hidden meaning and calculation were sometimes suspected in the most ordinary and traditional things for Bukharian Jews. So, it was assumed that they built their houses from burnt bricks, ostensibly so that when they needed money, they could disassemble and sell the bricks; dresses were very wide and straight, without a cut-off yoke, ²³ " so that they could grow, and then they could cut and sew a cover for a blanket or kurpacha, children's clothing", had a lot of gold jewelry, "to sell it at a high price or to melt it down and take it with them "(in emigration, i.e.) [PMA, 2010]. Meanwhile, gold jewelry was worn by Jewish women as far back as biblical times, while for Uzbeks and Tajiks, at least in the late Middle Ages, jewelry made of silver or silver with gilding was traditional [Pashino, 1868, p. 147; Khoroshkhin, 1876, p. 220], although now gold products are also extremely popular among them. wide distribution.

I have heard these and other similar statements from people of different social strata, including the intelligentsia, who generally have nothing against Bukharian Jews and have good memories of specific individuals. Nevertheless, the general perception was determined by traditional stereotypes in relation to other cultures and ethnic groups. Children were intimidated by Jews, saying, for example, "do not go alone, or the Jughuts (Uzbek: "Jews" - i.e.) will seize them, put them in their khaltacha ("bags"), and drink blood"; there were rumors that Jews "add blood to their patyr"²⁴, although, according to some sources, the Jews are not allowed to go alone. according to the informants, no one has ever seen this. Especially wary and fearful of Bukhara Jews were the inhabitants of villages, most of whom had never seen them and knew them only by hearsay. "They'll ask where you live? And if you answer that it is in dzhugutoy (i.e., in the Jewish quarter), then immediately - how can you live there?", an informant in Shakhrisabz said [PMA, 2010].

At the same time, children were also intimidated by the Gypsies, who lived in Central Asia, like the Jews, for many centuries [Peoples of Central Asia, 1963, pp. 597-598] and also kept themselves isolated and isolated ²⁵. At the same time, Uzbeks and Tajiks believe that they have special magical powers, and turn to them for help. It is believed, for example, that if a child is seriously ill, then for recovery it should be given to a gypsy woman for a few days; Muslim women even trust them to read prayers for them, believing that in their "performance" they are more effective. Approximately the same attitude existed towards Bukhara Jews. Their dissimilarity caused concern, but it also justified their usefulness and necessity, not only because of their economic activities, the fact that they filled professional niches that the Muslim population left them for various reasons, but also at the level of mental concepts. Thus, the Karamurt Uzbeks of Southern Kazakhstan, whose culture traces ancient continuity with the lowland Tajiks (Taizhanov and Ismailov, 1986, p. 135), who traditionally lived side by side with Bukharian Jews, had the image of a Jew.

²³ For Uzbeks and Tajiks, kokotka dresses appeared at the beginning of the XX century and are still used in the national costume, while Bukharian Jewish women began to switch to European-style clothing in the 1920s, and old wide dresses that remained to them from their "Iranian past" {Khozhdenie kuptsa..., 1956, p. 91], were preserved as a ceremonial holiday.

²⁴ Thin cakes of unleavened dough that were prepared on Passover, similar to matzah.

²⁵ So far, for example, it is not known exactly where and how they bury their loved ones.

one of the pari spirits that help shamans cure diseases, ward off evil and misfortune. Researchers recorded how one of the local shamanesses, calling her paris, listed them: "Did Abdurakhman-pari come, did Karnak-pari come? Did the Ajdar come-pari, or did the Jew come-pari? "[Taizhanov and Ismailov, 1986, p. 121].

Paris are everywhere, they are treacherous and willful, but if you live with them amicably, they bring a lot of good to people. It is hardly possible to project these ideas directly on the history of relations between Bukhara Jews and the surrounding population, but some analogies suggest themselves. So, perhaps, there is some truth in the words of our informants that Bukhara Jews in their former places of residence were the source of barracks-happiness and prosperity, which people there now lack so much.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

APII-Archive of the St. Petersburg Institute of Judaics.

MAE - Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography.

PMA - Field materials of the author's expedition. Collected during expeditions to Uzbekistan: December 1993-January 1994-Tashkent, Samarkand, Bukhara; 2002-Tashkent, Samarkand, Bukhara, Margilan; 2010 - Samarkand, Shakhrisabz (in Russian transcription - Shakhrisabz), Karshi, kishlaks of China and Qamar of Kashkadarya region, Bukhara, Ferghana.

EO-Ethnographic review.

list of literature

Andreev M. S. The Central Asian version of Cinderella (Cendrillons), St. Paraskeva Friday (From materials on Tajik mythology). Tashkent, 1927.

Benyaminov M. Vukharskiye evrei [Vukhar Jews]. New York, 1983.

Galunova R. A. Srednyaya persizskaya svadka [The Middle Persian Wedding]. Vol. IX. 1930.

Datkhaev Yu. I. About Bukharian Jews. Dushanbe. 1992.

Datkhaev Yu. I. About Bukharian Jews (short essays and reflections). New York-Denver, 1995.

Emelianenko T. G. Nekotorye cherty etnicheskogo samosoznaniya bukharskikh evreev: avtostersotipy [Some features of ethnic identity of Bukharian Jews: autostersotypes]. Small ethnic and ethnographic groups. Collection of articles dedicated to the 80th anniversary of the birth of Professor R. F. Its. St. Petersburg, 2008.

Emelianenko T. G. Bukharian Jews: the fate of the Diaspora / / EO. 2009. N 5.

History of Bukhara Jews. In 2 volumes / Project Director-R. Pinkhasov. New York, 2005.

Peoples of Central Asia and Kazakhstan, vol. II, Moscow, 1963.

Nektalov R. Gavriel Mullokandov. Essay on life and creativity. Samarkand, 1993.

Materials for statistics of the Turkestan region I Ed. by N. A. Maev. Issue V. St. Petersburg, 1879.

Ochildiev D. Captives of Nebuchadnezzar. Book I. New York, 1998.

Pashino P. I. Turkestan region in 1866 St. Petersburg, 1868.

Sukhareva O. A. Bukhara of the XIX-early XX centuries, Moscow, 1966.

Taizhanov K., Ismailov X. Osobennosti doislamskikh verovaniy u uzbekov-karamurtov [Features of pre-Islamic beliefs among Uzbek-Karamurts].

The journey of merchant Fedot Kotov to Persia, Moscow, 1958.

Khoroshkhin A. P. Collection of articles related to the Turkestan region. St. Petersburg, 1876.

Shalomaev A. My memoirs about the life of Bukharian Jews in Uzbekistan. Tel Aviv, 2000.

Kaganovich A. The Bukharan Jews at the Threshold of the Third Millennium // Central Asia and the Caucasus. 2003. N 4.

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