Libmonster ID: MD-1369
Author(s) of the publication: I. L. ANDREEV

The seventeenth century saw more than one peasant uprising. A person of that time, born in the days when I. I. Bolotnikov's detachments were besieging Moscow, could witness major urban uprisings in adulthood, and in old age see S. T. Razin's detachments. No wonder that century was called "rebellious". Below we will talk about one little-studied peasant-Cossack performance of the early 1630s. It went down in history under the name "Balashovshchina" (named after one of its leaders, Ivan Balash).1
In December 1618, in the village of Deulino, not far from the Trinity-Sergius Monastery, the Moscow ambassadors concluded a long-awaited truce with representatives of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Russia got it at a high price. Many parts of the country were left desolate after the Polish-Swedish intervention. Severskaya Zemlya, as well as Smolensk, went to the Polish-Lithuanian state. However, Moscow did not abandon hopes for the return of the lost territories. These sentiments intensified in 1619, with the arrival of Patriarch Filaret - Fyodor Nikitich, the father of Tsar Mikhail Romanov, from Polish captivity. Having concentrated almost all power in his hands, Filaret changed the country's foreign policy, and the ruling circles began to prepare for a new war with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Russian emissaries were sent to Germany, England, and Sweden to recruit men of war .2 At the same time, it was decided to form regiments of the "new system" - military formations based on the service of volunteers. The government initially recruited soldiers from the lower, non-local layers of the service nobility - the feed children of the boyars. But the latter avoided the difficult military service. I had to shout at the markets "biryucham not one day", calling on "free, walking people" to write in military service. Flattered by the king's salary, many agreed. As a result, out of 9 thousand Russian soldiers, about 5 thousand turned out to be "walking people"3 . The government was afraid of this circumstance: the "young" townspeople and workmen, runaway and freed serfs, all those who called themselves "free people", did not have friendly feelings for their oppressors.

In the spring of 1632, six regiments of the "new system"were created from volunteers. In the morning, under the supervision of foreign officers, Russian soldiers strolled through the fields near Moscow, learning the wisdom of drill science. Nearby were noisy and pugnacious Cossacks, as well as the noble militia. The picture was complemented by crowds of dejectedly wandering "datochny people" - peasants who were forcibly torn from their farms to perform auxiliary military service. And in August, after much hesitation, Filaret and his associates decided to start fighting. The timing seemed right. Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, torn apart by internecine struggle for osvo-

1 "Balashovshchina" is mentioned in a number of works (D. I. Ilovaisky, E. D. Stashevsky, A. A. Novoselsky, etc.). However, the real discoverer of this movement, who determined its character and role in the events of 1632 - 1634, should be considered B. F. Porshnev (B. F. Porshnev. Socio-political situation in Russia during the Smolensk War. "History of the USSR", 1957, N 5; his. Development of the "Balashov" movement in February-March 1634. "Problems of socio-political history of Russia and Slavic countries", Moscow, 1963).

2 E. D. Stashevsky. Smolensk War of 1632-1634 Organization and condition of the Moscow Army. Kyiv. 1919, pp. 68, 71.

3 Ibid., pp. 118, 119, Table 7.

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after the death of Sigismund III, the throne was established, and she was interested in peace. A letter from Polish senators sent in the summer of 1632 asking them not to attack "orphaned" Poland was perceived in Moscow as a sign of weakness of its western neighbor .4 In addition, the Swedish King Gustavus Adolphus promised to bring down part of his forces, hired with Russian money, on the Polish-Lithuanian state. 5 Encouraging news also came from Turkey. In Istanbul, not without the help of Russian ambassadors, the sultan was moving belligerently, ready to attack Poland from the south.

For the government of Tsar Michael, the war began successfully. According to a contemporary, "cities were ravaged like birds' nests. " 7 By February 1633, Russian garrisons were stationed in almost all the large villages that had fallen to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth under the Truce of Deulin. Only Smolensk could not be taken on the move. While the voivodes, led by boyar M. B. Shein and okolnichy A. V. Izmailov, approached the city, the Poles managed to strengthen the city walls and prepare the necessary supplies. The royal regiments had to dig earthen trenches and build camps. We did everything well and on a grand scale. "Smolensk was firmly besieged," we read in the bit book that belonged to Voivode B. Boltin, a participant in the events, "towns were made under the walls near the city and earthen trenches were dug up." 8 On the spring off-road 1633 dragged from Vyazma "big outfit" - siege artillery. On March 17, the shelling of Smolensk began. "The city was constantly being hit by artillery both day and night,"9 and soon, taking advantage of the destruction in the walls, the Russian regiments moved to storm. But the Polish garrison repulsed the attacks. After the first setbacks, Shein changed his tactics: "datochny people" began to conduct digs. However, due to an error in calculations, the mine explosion did not occur under the base of the wall, but between the wall and the attacking troops. A hail of stones and earth fell on the Russian vanguard and crushed it. The voivode also failed with the second mine. After the explosion, when the storming troops rushed into the gap, a new earth wall erected by the enemy appeared in front of them. No sooner had the dust settled than the cannons hit the shelves from above. The besiegers withdrew in disorder.

While Shein was trampling under Smolensk, the "shishi" (partisans) began to act in the rear of the Polish-Lithuanian troops. They appeared even before the arrival of Russian troops near Smolensk and at first consisted of local peasants who were looking forward to the start of the war. It got to the point that on the eve of the clash, the Poles, concerned about the hostile mood of the inhabitants, even took away their slingshots. However, this did not prevent the Russian peasants from moving to the aid of their own people in the first months of the war. Bit order: "In the past... a year ago, as you, sire, ordered your sovereign stewards and voivodes to go to Smolensk, and at that time there were all sorts of free people with us, and they were called shishs,.. your cities, sire, have peasants and all sorts of people. And now, sire, hearing your sovereign service, many people want to serve you in the same way. " 10
One of the first partisan detachments was led by Ivan Balash. We don't know much about his past. He was a peasant of the Gerasimov Boldinsky monastery in Dorogobuzhsky district. After the Armistice of Deulin, this county was ceded to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. With the beginning of the war, Balash began to take an active part in the fighting and, fearing reprisals from the enemy, sent his family "abroad", to Vyazma. We can judge his age from indirect data. Since his eldest son, also a member of the movement and also Ivan, was exiled "for theft" to serve in the lower towns, the Cossack-peasant ataman was probably well over 30.

4 "Correspondence between Russia and Poland during the reign of Tsar Mikhail Fyodorovich". "Readings" in the Society of Russian History and Antiquities at Moscow University, 1862, book IV, p. 48.

5 B. F. Porshnev. The struggle around the Russian-Swedish Alliance of 1631-1632 "Scandinavian collection". Issue I. 1956, pp. 53-55.

6 TSGADA, f. 89 ("Affairs with Turkey"), 1632, d. 3, ll. 290-295.

7 A. N. Popov. Izbornik slavyanskikh i russkikh sochineniy i statei [Collection of Slavic and Russian Works and Articles], Moscow, 1869, p. 373.

8 Ibid., p. 369.

9 Ibid.

10 TSGADA, f. 210 ("Belgorod table"), 42, ll. 14-15.

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For the first time, the name of Balash is mentioned in the reply of boyar Shein, sent with his son boyar I. Rastopchin. The latter told the boyars: "He heard in the regiments that the peasants who were glad to see the sovereign, Balash and his comrades, came to the boyar Mikhail Borisovich Shein of Dorogobuzhsky and Smolensk uyezds and beat them with their brows so that they would be allowed to gather with free people and live in shishy and get languages. And those shishas gathered about 400 people and are now standing in ostrozhka near Smolensk"; probably, voivode Shein would have gladly allowed Balash, "having gathered as free people, to please the sovereign", if not for one circumstance: in questioning Rastopchin added: "And in those shishas, the soldiers of the Falentin regiment went to starvation without permission with 200 people and stand together " 11 . A few days later, on November 22, another messenger, V. Solntsev, clarified: "Ataman Balash is stationed on the other side of Smolensk in Krasny Selo in ostrozhka and sends languages often, and with him 500 people" 12 . From the documents it is clear that near Smolensk Balash appeared already with a combat-ready detachment.

How did this squad come about? We do not know exactly where the Balashovites first gathered, nor the words that Balash addressed them. But it is known that initially the peasants of Dorogobuzhsky, Sevsky and Smolensky counties, and possibly some other counties, rallied around him. The government referred to the leader of the partisans as "the peasant ataman" or "Ivan Balash with the Komaritsky peasants". In Moscow, they well remembered the" rebellious "glory of the "Komaritsky peasant", which even entered folklore. It was from these places, then mercilessly ravaged by the troops of B. Godunov, that I. I. Bolotnikov began his campaign. False Dmitry I also found support here. So, taking on the service of a peasant chieftain with a detachment of partisans, the tsarist voivodes, of course, understood that this force could turn against them on occasion, although the first news of the actions of the "shisha" was reassuring. After joining the "Komaritsky peasants" of the fleeing soldiers, the Balashovites made a successful raid on the village of Kadino. It was then that Balash established contact with the voivodes. Then he had to endure a difficult battle near the village of Krasny with the detachment of Prince Mosalsky. The victory again went to "shisham". When a large detachment of the enemy approached, the Balashovites moved to Dorogobuzhsky Uyezd, closer to the Russian regiments marching near Smolensk.

This contributed to the increased flight of military men to the partisans. They left the shelves for obvious reasons. The Cossack freedom that prevailed in the partisan camps suited them better than the stick discipline in Shein's troops, supported at best by a penny salary. Soldiers, Don Cossacks, "datochnye" marched to Balash. They sometimes got into the squad in a peculiar way. So, one of the newcomers said that he brought goods to Dorogobuzh, sold them and went to Balash 13 . The number of escapees can be judged by the interrogative speeches of the captured Balashovites. "They have fallen behind Tsarevo-Zaymishche with 300 people... 250 people fell behind them from Tsarevo-Zaymishche and came to Roslavl. And in Roslavl gathered... feed soldiers and all sorts of hunting people with 500 people... Ivan Leskov came to Smolensk with 50 men forage and free. " 14 Gradually, the matter began to take a bad turn for the voivodes. It turned out that the" shishi " not only grabbed spies and scattered enemy detachments, but also contributed to the rapid melting of the royal regiments.

In December 1632, the Balashovtsy moved from Dorogobuzhsky Uyezd to Roslavlsky Uyezd. The flames of guerrilla warfare had been burning here for a long time. Numerous detachments of" Shisha " intercepted Polish messengers and smashed the garrisons. On November 20, the partisans, led by their chosen "Karachevsky head" S. Verevkin, besieged Trubchevsk so firmly that the Polish garrison met the Russian troops as liberators, and when the head A. Zinoviev approached the city, " the Lithuanian constable with Lithuanian people told him that from looting Komaritsky peasants and Karachevsky partisans, they also calmed the Polish ones and the Lithuanian people will immediately kill the sovereign with their brow. " 15 2 de-

11 " Acts of the Moscow State issued by the imp. To the Academy of Sciences under the editorship of N. A. Popov". Vol. 1. SPB. 1890, N 442.

12 Ibid., No. 447.

13 Ibid., N 504.

14 Ibid.

15 Ibid., No. 479.

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kabrya Trubchevsk opened the gate. Zinoviev entered the city, but could not hold back the "shishi", because more than 1 thousand partisans immediately rushed to the enemy's wagons.

With the advent of the Balash detachment, the fighting in this area took on an even greater scale. In January 1633, with the help of the Balashovites, Head V. Yakovlev laid siege to Mstislavl . Balash made a successful raid near Krichev. The garrison barely managed to lock themselves in the prison. Having plundered the city, the Balashovites returned to Roslavl 17 . Here the partisans met Nagovo, who carefully pretended that he did not notice runaway soldiers in the Shisha detachments, and soon "mutual understanding" was established. Balashov residents received lead and powder potion from the voivode. Nagovo attributed to himself all the victories of the partisans. In January 1633, both sides, having consolidated their cooperation, celebrated it with a joint campaign near Krichev, where they managed to defeat a large detachment of the enemy and capture many prisoners .18
Burning cities, crowds of prisoners, and crushed enemy detachments testified that the Balashovites were becoming a significant military force. After the second campaign near Krichev, they decided on such a complex operation as the siege of Starodub. "Yes, Ataman Balas and other atamans came to Starodub from Smolensk, but there were two thousand Cossacks of them, and Starodub was besieged firmly." 19 Soon, detachments of S. Verevkin and V. Rostrubaev arrived to help the Balashovites from the Trubchevsk area, and I. Korotov's detachment arrived from Surozh .20 The" Starodubskoe seat " of the Balashovites was a real disaster for the tsarist voivodes. More and more often, the already familiar picture was repeated: when they woke up in the morning, the "initial people" did not count the soldiers who had gone to the partisans. Shein bombarded Moscow with complaints about the flight of the warriors. "They wrote to you in advance of this, that the Russian soldiers from the regiments had gone into theft, and we wrote to those soldiers and ordered them to do a lot, so that they would lag behind theft." The voivode's replies contained disturbing notes: "And today, sire, the Cossacks and the Moscow archers, and the children of the boyars, and Tatarovya, and foreigners from your sovereign service are constantly fleeing every day. Both the Don and Yaitsky Cossacks, sire, are fleeing from your sovereign service to steal." Shein ends this epistle with a cry: "Your army, my lord, has fled." 21 For all his penchant for exaggeration, Shein wasn't far off the mark this time. By the end of the summer, more than 5 thousand people left the Smolensk camp, many of whom turned into camps of Balashov residents .22
Moscow was worried. Already in January 1633, it became clear to the ruling circles that admonitions did not help. The fugitives were not attracted either by forgiveness - "they are not ordered to fix any punishment", or by promises "to give their salaries as before incessantly". It was decided to send voivode V. P. Lyapunov to the freemen with diplomas. On January 18, he was ordered to persuade the Balashovites to "leave Durn behind" and go with them to Smolensk "without any confusion or fear." It is noteworthy that in drafts, Balash's name is added at the top, after the clerk's edit. In Moscow, as it were, they were considering whether to recognize the peasant ataman. Events, one of the driving forces of which were the Komaritsky peasants, developed in such a way that it was necessary to recognize the leader of the latter. Lyapunov went to the Balashovites. A few days later, the capital was once again talking about the Cossack-peasant movement. Nagovo wrote to Filaret: "Truly, sire, it is unknown, but it is said in the world that the Iomaritsky peasants and Balash went near Chernigov to the Cherkasy towns." 23
"Cherkassy "occupied a certain place in the plans of the Moscow government. Since Filaret was leading a "big policy", hoping to start the struggle for the liberation of Ukraine in case of success near Smolensk, it was important to enlist the support of the Soviet Union.-

16 TSGADA, f. 210 ("Belgorod table"), 42, l. 493.

17 " Acts of the Moscow state...", vol. 1, NN 504, 483.

18 Ibid., N 504; TSGADA, f. 210 ("Prikazny stoly"), 60, ll. 67-71

19 A. N. Popov. Op. ed., p. 371.

20 " Acts of the Moscow State...", Vol. 1, No. 504.

21 TSGADA, f. 210 ("Novgorod table"), 45, ll. 135-136.

22 Department of Manuscripts of the State Public Library named after M. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin (hereinafter-OR GPB), Hermitage Collection, N 461, ll. 193-202 vol.; CHR, 1909, book 2, "Mixture".

23 TSGADA, f. 210 ("Moscow table"), d. 98, l. 18. Balash after the capture of Starodub raided Gomel and Chechersk.

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local population. But what kind of support could we talk about if the Balash detachments, consisting of runaway, but still Russian soldiers and peasants, devastated the Cherkasy towns? There was a commotion in the capital. January 31 in pursuit of Lyapunov rushes messenger F. Shchepin with a diploma: strictly forbid Balashov residents "to enter without our royal decree" and not to go anywhere in the war 24 . At the beginning of February, Shchepin, who was told to "go without delay anywhere for an hour," appears in the partisan camp near Starodub. Lyapunov has already settled here. The voivode's letters of commendation, which fell like snow on their heads, and a few days later another royal envoy with new letters of commendation put the fugitives in a difficult position. 2 thousand participants of the freestyle decided an important question: whether to obey the government's demands and go to Shein? "Yes," some said, and as a sign of submission, they sent V. Rostrubaev to Moscow. "Yes," Balash said, and sent men from himself to Shein to find out the terms of the union. However, at the last moment, some Balashov residents rebelled. Here is what the Starodubsky voivode I. Eropkin reported to the government about this: "Some thieves did not obey, and some many thieves did not obey your sovereign's decree and did not want to go to Smolensk." 25
The Starodubsky Balashov camp began to disintegrate. The first to leave it were "400 hunting men from Putivl and other cities", then a detachment of ataman S. Pirog, who left with a "great riot", defeated the wagon train and captured Balash himself. B. F. Porshnev, as it seems to us, quite rightly saw in this a desire to use the authoritative name of the peasant ataman for the further development of the movement 26 . On March 1, this detachment reappeared at Starodub. Eropkin rode out to meet him and tried to persuade him to stop "stealing." The Cossacks "stopped" fighting him. However, in hindsight, they later denied it: they say, "did not want to fight with him and moved away"27 . In fact, they simply could not withstand the pressure of military people and, having abandoned part of the property, "leaked". Eropkin got 220 prisoners, the whole train, and in it on one of the carts - bound Balash 28 . The voivode threw him in prison. Soon Eropkin was dismissed from the order, so that," having bound and bound", he sent Balash to Moscow. However, in the capital they did not see the peasant ataman, because in the April reply the voivode denounced: "And Ivashka Balash died behind the bailiff."

The split of the freemen made it easier for the Government to fight the Cossack-peasant movement. In response to his victorious reports, Eropkin received a letter in which he was ordered to finally defeat the insubordinate Balashovites. "And those thieves will not listen to our sovereign decree, they will not go to our sovereign service near Smolensk,.. and you would have sent heads to those thieves with our men-at-arms."29
But the voivode did not dare to try his luck a second time, and instead of military men went to the Cossacks in the village of Voshchin. When the latter tried to persuade them to obey the tsar's decree, the Balashovites rejected his offer. And in mid-March, they showed up on the Sejm River, "between Rylsk and Putivl." A new split has occurred here. Ataman Pirog with the Don Cossacks went to the Don. The rest, including many serfs, turned towards Smolensk. On March 17, Lyapunov brought freestyle wrestlers from near Starodub to Shein. A little later, the remnants of Pirog's squad came up. It seemed that with the death of Balash Balashovshchina also died.

The question arises: why did the tsarist government so actively fight against freemen? What scared him? After all, the Balashovites provided great help to its voivodes. The point, of course, was that at the same time their camp became a center that attracted all the discontented, from the soldiers from the Smolensk regiments to the peasants and serfs who had already fled there in the first months of the movement. One should not overestimate the anti-feudal nature of freemen's speeches at that time. It increases and increases, but does not become dominant yet. The main goal of the Cossack detachments remained the fight against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. But even one na-

24 Ibid., ll. 21-23.

25 Ibid., l. 77.

26 B. F. Porshnev. Socio-political situation in Russia during the Smolensk War, p. 124.

27 TSGADA, f. 210 ("Moscow table"), d. 98, ll. 78, 125.

28 " Acts of the Moscow State...", Vol. 1, No. 505.

29 TSGADA, f. 210 ("Moscow table"), d. 98, l. 88,

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the typheudal tendency in the movement was enough to frighten the ruling circles, who were ready to make any sacrifices to eliminate the partisans.

However, the government's actions did not extinguish the fire of the popular movement. Balashov residents did not lay down their weapons. Even those who came with Lyapunov to Smolensk were only temporarily reconciled to their situation. "And those soldiers who were with Balash in stealing, Alexandrov's regiment Leslie Ivashko Rokotov and Tobisov's regiment Unzin Vaska Rokotov, came to Smolensk to persuade soldiers to steal with them." 30 And in the autumn of 1633, the second stage of the movement began. Its new center was Roslavlsky uyezd. Almost impenetrable forests contributed to partisan actions. From here it was possible to keep the enemy's communications in constant tension or, huddled in a remote village, sit out after daring raids. The Roslavl camp grew rapidly. From near Smolensk, large detachments of military men came here openly. On October 2, Ataman A. Tchertop-rud brought 1,200 men 31 . And here is the reply of voivode I. Khilkov: "Now one and a half thousand people have fled from your sovereign service from near Smolensk" 32 . Shein, pressed on all sides by the Poles, made desperate attempts to stop the flight of the warriors, but could not successfully fight the escapes. And he complained to Moscow: "The soldiers are going to Roslavl, because Dmitry Seitov accepts them, and it depends, my lord, on many soldiers and Cossacks... from us, your serfs, they run to steal in different places. " 33
After that, Moscow wrote to the Roslavl voivode Seitov "with great reproach" that by accepting Smolensk fugitives, he was "making a big mess". However, the suggestion did not help, because the point was not so much in Seitov, who sometimes was not averse to using the Roslavl Cossacks, but in his powerlessness to prevent their arrival. The freemason no longer considered the voivode and decided on the reception of newcomers herself. "We do not call anyone to us, but we do not send anyone away," the Cossack atamans succinctly responded to the government's demand to hand over the fugitives. This was immediately true, because the Balashovites really did not betray anyone, and untrue, because their agitators conducted propaganda in many cities and counties, but they tried especially hard in Moscow, inciting serfs and posadsky people to "steal".

In total, in October 1633, "those feeding children of the boyar and Yaitsky Cossacks gathered with three thousand" 34 . In the fighting that the Balashovites fought, victories alternated with defeats. On September 10, together with Seitov, they defeated Stanislav Sosinsky's regiment near Roslavl. But in October, ataman I. Teslyaev failed in the Smolensk district. In December, the Balashovites, together with the tsarist voivodes, took Propoisk and Borza, and in the latter case, without sharing the spoils with the Moscow Archers, the Komaritsky peasants "beat them and took away the state squeaks"35 . And in the summer of the same year, military happiness finally changed Shein. On August 25, the regiments of the new Polish King Wladyslaw IV approached Smolensk. They began to push Shein's army back until they locked it in the camp. On November 18, the Boyar Duma was forced to make a decision to create a new army and send it to the rescue of the Smolensk regiments. It was headed by boyars D. M. Cherkassky and D. M. Pozharsky. However, the military capabilities of the tsarist government were limited. In January 1634, in Mozhaisk, where the new army was to be located, instead of the planned 10-15 thousand military men, there were only 357 people 36 .

It is not surprising that the government again remembered Balashov residents. There was a prospect to unite the Roslavl Cossacks with the not yet formed Mozhaisk regiments. Immediately, the tsarist voivodes changed their attitude to freemen: until recently, there were "thieves and rebels", and now- "free Cossacks and willing people who rejoice in the sovereign". The Cossack embassy of Tchertoprud and Teslyaev, which arrived in January 1634 with war trophies, was received with great pomp. The King of Mi himself-

30 " Acts of the Moscow State...", Vol. 1, No. 526.

31 Ibid., No. 584.

32 TSGADA, f. 210 ("Moscow table"), d. 98, l. 128.

33 Ibid. ("Novgorodsky stoll"), 45, ll. 277-282.

34 Ibid. ("Moscow table"), d. 98, l. 273.

35 Ibid. ("Belgorodsky stoll"), 53, ll. 6, 132, 296-297.

36 Ibid. ("Novgorodsky stoll"), 45, p. 270.

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hail "permitted his royal eyes to see, and forgave their iniquities." Members of the embassy were granted foreign cloth and monetary salaries, and the Roslavl freemen were awarded royal banners. But the Cossacks, despite such a meeting, even in Moscow did not hide their moods. Their agitators appeared in all parts of the capital, openly calling on serfs to exchange captivity for freedom. People rushed to the Balashov residents in droves. And then one day in Golutvennaya Sloboda, where the Cossacks were stationed, a detachment of streltsy appeared. Service people rushed at the crowd of holoi. Cossacks rushed out to help the serfs, waving their sabers. Dump barely hushed up 37 .

Back in December 1633, I. Naumov appeared in the Roslavl camp, sent from Moscow to lead the campaign to Mozhaisk. However, the voivode could not raise the camps of Balashov residents. The Cossacks demanded to recognize as free peasants and serfs who joined the movement. Naumov pleaded that no orders had been given to him in Moscow on this matter and that he would "write back about it."38 The Cossacks did not agree to wait. So far, these contradictions have not prevented Balashov residents from intensifying their actions. On January 14, the Roslavl Cossacks, together with Naumov, fought against the Polish regiment of Jan Kaminsky. The battle was extremely hard, fought "from lunch to midnight", and only darkness separated the combatants. The next day, the Poles, having received reinforcements, again rushed to the Balashovites, but were defeated and fled, leaving 12 banners, 2 zatinny pishchali and 230 prisoners .39 When faced with the Poles, the Balashovites did not forget about the "internal enemy". In October, the clergy and landowners of the Bryansk Uyezd began to complain to the capital about Seitov, that he could not calm the Cossacks who were "fishing in the Bryansk forests." 40 Since the petition went unanswered, the nobles took up arms. And in December 1633, the Balashovites, in turn, beat their brows that "the Brenchan nobles and the children of the boyars beat them to death, rob them and put them in the water" 41 .

The position of the Balashovites on the issue of merging with the Mozhaisk regiments still forced the government to make concessions. Moscow forgave all their "faults", and the serfs and peasants who joined the movement were ordered "not to be punished". Only then did the Balashovites agree to obey the tsar's decree, and on February 6, 1634, the Roslavl detachments set out on a campaign. However, they did not go directly to Mozhaisk and, referring to the fact that in the area of Dorogobuzha they could be intercepted by the enemy, turned onto the Bryansk road. On February 15, ataman Tchistoprud joined them. He did not return from Moscow alone. On the way, a handful of Cossacks managed to grow into a large detachment. In Vyazma, Mozhaisk, Kozelsk, wherever they stopped Tchistoprud, the Cossacks "stirred up" and called people to themselves.

Tcherstoprud was instructed to hand over to Naumov the banners granted to the Cossacks in the capital. Chertopru distributed them without Naumov's knowledge. When the voivode claimed them, he was simply pushed out of the Cossack circle. Naumov, offended, wrote to Moscow: "They do not listen to me, your serf, in anything, and they go to your service slowly, they do not know why, and go ahead, sire, they do not know what will happen to them."42 And indeed, when they found themselves in Dudinskaya volost of Kozelsky Uyezd on February 22, the Balashov residents did not show any desire to leave it. Soldiers and peasants rushed to them from everywhere. On March 20, ataman I. Beloborodoe, who had returned from Moscow, brought 500 men with him; on March 22, 150 more came from Meshchevsky Uyezd; on March 28, 50 men from Kaluga Uyezd .43 "From many places boyar serfs, from cities Streltsy and Cossacks and all sorts of people," the voivode reported in those days, " stick incessantly,.. and they fix all sorts of theft, and call serfs to themselves." Cossack atamans began to openly call for "going north for mining." And for "theft" - added the same voivode 44 .

37 Ibid. ("Prikazny stoll"), 76, ll. 14-15, 19.

38 See B. F. Porshnev for more information about Naumov's mission. Socio-political situation in Russia during the Smolensk War, p. 134.

39 " Acts of the Moscow State...", Vol. 1, No. 707.

40 TSGADA, f. 210 ("Prikazny stoly"), 76, ll. 195-197,

41 Ibid. ("Moscow table"), 90, l. 300.

42 Ibid. ("Prikazny stoll"), 76, l. 20.

43 Ibid. ll. 98, 120, 99, 116.

44 Ibid., ld. 98, 120.

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By that time, some changes had taken place in the Balashov camp. The "stand" in Dudinskaya volost finally undermined Naumov's influence. Caught between two fires (both Balashov residents threatened and Moscow demanded), he considered it best to suddenly fall ill. On March 17, Voivode I. Bunakov appeared in the camp instead of Naumov. But the change of voivodes did not lead to changes: the Cossacks did not take Bunakov into account either. By March 1634, the Balashov camps had grown to 8,000 people .45 This figure is approximate. According to one of the participants of the events, "how many of them, he does not know, because in one place they never happen." Indeed, in the spring, Balashov detachments operated almost simultaneously in Aleksinsky, Belevsky, Vorotynsky, Epifansky, Kaluga, Kashirsky, Meshchevsky, Likhvinsky, Obolensky and Tarussky counties. To curb this power, Moscow was ready to abandon the unification of Balashovtsy with the regiments of Cherkassk and Pozharsky. The government sought to push the movement's participants against the Poles. The Cossacks were ordered to immediately attack the enemy, "so that the Lithuanian people and Cherkassy would not be allowed to enter the big war." On March 30, 500 Balashovites descended on the village of Shchelkanovo, Meshchevsky district, where the enemy was located. Caught off guard, the Polish and Lithuanian people were unable to resist. Leaving their banners and four guns, they withdrew. But on the way back, the triumphant Balashovites were overtaken by the main enemy forces. In a heated battle, the Roslavl Cossacks were defeated.

It cannot be said that since the spring of 1634, the Balashovites have completely switched to fighting the nobility .46 The Poles were still their opponents. But more and more often people's detachments began to appear in landowner villages and villages. After each such raid, the nobles missed a significant part of the property, and in the huts - the peasants. The Cossack-peasant movement began to take on a more pronounced anti-feudal character. In the early spring, the government of Mikhail Fedorovich found itself in a difficult situation. After the surrender of Shein near Smolensk, there were no forces for further struggle with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. At the same time, an internal political crisis was brewing: the landlords began to express open dissatisfaction with the actions of the Balashovites. "And those who are in Mozhaisk from Borovsk are nobles and children of the boyars," the lawyer I. Buturlin said in April, " and they complain that people leave them for the Cossacks, having caught horses... And the Cossacks, in their estates and fiefdoms, disgrace their wives and children and ruin their estates. And those thieves of the local cities are expected by the service people of bolshoy durn. " 47 On May 22, the voivode Cherkassky handed over a petition of landowners-Tula, Kashirtsev and Ryazan, who complained that " while they are in the sovereign's service in Mozhaisk,.. without us, your serfs, today the Cossacks are ruining our estates and fiefdoms without a trace... Our brethren are being beaten to death." Similar complaints ("And our people and peasants stole...") were made by serving men of the F. Kurakin regiment 48 .

Fearing increased unrest, the Government scrambled to find a way out. Yielding to the landlords, it was necessary to defeat the Balashovites. But to do this, it is necessary to release the few forces that were bound by the war with the Polish-Lithuanian state. So far, all attempts to conclude a peace or truce have failed. Meanwhile, the army grumbled, lost its combat capability, and fled. Under these circumstances, the Government was forced to stall for time. And here in Moscow appeared the remnants of the capitulated army of Shein. More than 8 thousand exhausted people were waiting for a reward for their service. Shein and his comrades were taken under arrest. The investigation into the causes of the defeat began. The trial was delayed. This caused discontent of military people, for whom all the failures of the war were embodied in the personality of the hapless voivode. Lawyer Buturlin reported: "Yes, in all military men there is a great lamentation that there is no leto Mikhail Shein and Ortemy Izmailov and his son for their treason to the sovereign's decree." 49 Archbishop Pachomius wrote about the same thing: "In the regiments of the same

45 Ibid. ("Moscow table"), 101, p. 268.

46 B. F. Porshnev, Development of the "Balashov" movement in February-March 1634, p. 235.

47 TSGADA, f. 210 ("Prikazny stoly"), 60, ll. 93-94.

48 Ibid. ("Belgorodsky stoll"), 48, ll. 771-772; " Acts of the Moscow state...", vol. 1, No. 660.

49 TSGADA, f. 210 ("Prikazny stoll"), 60, l. 92.

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Sheina's murmur was great. " 50 The documents convey vague news about some unrest in the capital between May 25 (fire in Moscow) and May 27. The government" for the sake of reassuring " military people went to the execution of Shein and Izmailov. Adam Olearius, the secretary of the Holstein embassy, who left notes about his trip to the Muscovite state, noted that "a general uprising was about to break out in Moscow, to calm which the Grand Duke was forced to promise that in order to satisfy the people, he would order Shein to be executed"; this was done, although until the last minute Shein was assured that he will be forgiven 51 .

News of the events in Moscow reached the Polish side as well. In May, the Russian ambassadors F. I. Sheremetev and A. L. Lvov, who were negotiating peace with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth on the Polyanovka River, wrote: "The boyar son moved to the king from Moscow, his name is Fedot, ... and he said that in Moscow Mikhail Shein and Artemia and their son Izmailov were executed and for that de on What happened in Moscow was wrong in people " 52 . However, the situation soon relaxed. The execution of Shein somewhat cooled the hot heads of the participants of the Smolensk campaign. The awards granted in April and May also played a role in this. They awarded everyone: landlords-an increase in land and money dachas, novikov-soldiers-typesetting immediately in the first "novichy article" (that is, with the highest salary), and "all sorts of free Russian people were paid salaries against the articles of the Cossacks." All this was done with only one caveat: for the future, this "layout is not in the sample" 53 . But the royal palace understood that the lull was temporary. They bought off Shein's head, but did not eliminate the causes of popular discontent. Estates and fiefdoms were still burning in the Balashov region. Serfs and peasants still fled to freemen. There were disturbing rumors in the capital. Posadsky people said: "The blacksmith's headman Petrushka ordered them to hide their clothes and all sorts of junk, digging holes so that today on Tuesday, May 12, or tomorrow on Wednesday or Thursday, May 14, there will be a great jam on Moscow" 54 .

It became clear to the government that it was impossible to delay the decision on the Roslavl freemen any longer, because it threatened a new peasant war and caused discontent among the nobles. Balashovtsy themselves gave Moscow a reason for the final break. They were annoyed by the presence of Voivode Bunakov. With the rapid growth of the anti-feudal movement, he became an unnecessary and dangerous witness, closely watching every step of the rebellious villages. On May 5, the Roslavl Cossacks" arbitrarily "opened the tsar's letters addressed to Bunakov, accused him of "lying" and, almost cutting him down with sabers,sent him out. And on May 7, the Boyar Duma sentenced: "Send our men of war to those thieves from the cities... and to repair them, and to fight in the counties of villages and villages. " 55 Despite such a strong statement, the Government was unable to launch broad military operations. It was unclear whether Vladislav IV would turn to war or peace. On May 8, the Cossacks reported to kn. Khovansky was told that they were coming to him near Kaluga. The voivode asked the capital what to do. On May 12, he was ordered to meet the Balashovites in order to fight the Poles together .56
Domestic policy was directly dependent on the progress of the Polyanovsky negotiations. And they were doing badly. The Polish representatives put forward unacceptable conditions. On May 4, after the Moscow events, it was even worse: they rolled up their tents and left the place of negotiations. And the Polish king, who in the haze of the Moscow fires again began to see the tsar's throne (as in the 1610s, when he was recognized as "tsar" by traitors, members of the Semiboyarschina), lifted the siege from Bel ' y and rushed to Dorogobuzh to prepare a campaign against Moscow. The negotiations were on the verge of collapse. In those days

50 A. N. Popov. Op. ed., p. 373.

51 A. The olearium. Description of travelin Moscow and through Moscow to Persia and back. St. Petersburg, 1906, pp. 201-202.

52 TSGADA, f. 79 ("Affairs with Poland"), 1634, 7, l. 679.

53 Ibid., f. 210 ("Belgorod table"), d. 48, ll. 863-864; d. 61, l. 14; d. 54, ll. 189-190; OR GPB, Hermitage Collection, N 544, ll. 148 vol. -150 vol.

54 TSGADA, f. 210 ("Belgorod table"), 48, ll. 793-794.

55 Ibid. ("Prikazny stoly"), d. 76 -, ll. 125-128.

56 Ibid., pp. 145, 150-154.

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The tsarist ambassadors Sheremetev and Lvov often looked across the river to see if the Poles would return. They appeared on May 12. Questions of war and peace hung in the balance, and the government of Tsar Michael could not yet send a single person against the Balashovites. Meanwhile, the Polish representatives, this time, were more compliant: internal and foreign political difficulties pushed them to peace. With mutual concessions, both sides drew up a draft peace treaty, and on June 2 it was signed.

Moscow breathed a sigh of relief. Now it was possible, without looking back at the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, to deal with the recalcitrant freemen. On June 5, the voivodes of cities located south of the capital were ordered to send military men to Borovsk, to the regiment of I. D. Khovansky 57 . Detachments of B. S. Pushkin and F. F. Volkonsky also rushed here from Mozhaisk and Kaluga. A combined strike was being prepared: the main one - by the forces of Khovansky, the auxiliary one-by the garrisons of cities. At the same time, the ruling circles carried out another action. In the Balashov camp, located near Kaluga, they sent a letter with a categorical demand to stop "theft", surrender and, having compiled a personal list, hand over the serfs to V. I. Streshneva. This certificate caught Balashov residents at a turning point for the movement. The logic of the struggle constantly pushed them to expand the anti-feudal war. This was the main source of their strength. But not everyone wanted it. The statement to the government made a few weeks ago that" it is not they who steal, but the boyar serfs and peasants and all sorts of free people who steal from them, and they are called Cossacks " was not only a trick of the atamans, but also an expression of the mood of that part of the participants in the movement who sought not to spoil relations with Moscow .58
The various actions of the masses reflected the social diversity of the Balashov camps, in which runaway serfs and boyar children got along under the name "Roslavl Cossacks". While the war was going on, the contradictions were smoothed out. But at the end of May 1634, the situation changed: the struggle with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was coming to an end. Balashovtsy tried to convince the government of their desire to continue the war with Poland. When on May 15 the Polish detachments approached Kaluga, "after the battle, as the Lithuanian detachments withdrew, 500 Cossacks came to Kaluga and the same day, at three o'clock, nobles and children boyar hunters and those Roslavl Cossacks... we went on a campaign for Lithuanian people " 59 . At the same time, another detachment of Balashovites rushed to intercept the enemy 60 . But such situations occurred less and less often. And at the end of the war, many Balashov residents found themselves at a crossroads: they had to either stop fighting, or openly oppose the government. Such a situation developed in the camp of freemen, when on June 5 a messenger brought the royal charter.

The letter turned out to be the argument that interrupted the hesitation of the moderate Balashovites led by ataman G. Rastopchin. They (up to 1500 people) "they did not want to steal, and they began to give their clothes and potions to the emperor, and when they found those Vassiliev's men of Ivanovich Streshnev, they gave them back." A decisive role was played here by a change in the balance of power. When, at the beginning of the year, the government, through Lyapunov, demanded to go to Smolensk, the Balashovites knew that, apart from promises and church curses, Moscow had nothing to back up its demands. Now the Government had real power... However, not all participants in the movement were scared. Instead of the surrender proposed by Rastopchin's supporters, "the thieves Fedotko Lyakh and Anisim Tchertop-rud, and with him 6 thousand Cossacks and boyar people, fought with them and gave nothing away"61 . Freemen again split, which was natural: the alliance of forces of different social origins and aspirations, united in one camp, turned out to be too shaky. It is no less natural that most of the participants in the movement refused to submit to the government: in the spring of 1634, anti-feudal sentiments almost prevailed in the camps of the Roslavl Cossacks.

The defeated Rastopchin detachment moved to Moscow to surrender. Forward was sent

57 Ibid., d. 76, ll. 130-136; Notebooks of the Moscow Table, book 2, ll. 92 vol. -93.

58 Ibid. ("Prikazny stoly"), d. 76, l. 173.

59 Ibid. ("Moscow table"), 101, l. 537.

60 " Acts of the Moscow State...", Vol. 1, No. 688.

61 TSGADA, f. 210 ("Moscow table"), 101, ll. 614-616.

page 125

Cossack embassy. It had to admit "all its own guilt" and negotiate more lenient terms of surrender. The government responded by sending Captain X to meet the Balashovites. Roimsky, because in the capital they doubted "whether they go directly to the sovereign and bear their guilt directly." However, the fears were unfounded. Intercepted by Roimsky on June 13 in Serpukhov, the Balashavtsy surrendered to him. On June 21, Khovansky also came here with his regiment. The tsarist voivodes decided to rewrite and disarm Rastopchin's detachment, having previously put the entire royal army in front of it. The personal list of Balashov residents who surrendered is of considerable interest. Among 518 people we find 103 soldiers, 89 city Cossacks, 68 peasants, 47 "free people", 82 townspeople, 68 streltsy 62 . Attention is drawn to the almost complete absence of Don Cossacks and serfs. This most determined part of Balashov residents chose a different path. The relatively high percentage of peasants among those who surrendered is explained by the fact that the supporters of Tchertop-rud and Lyakh did not dare to ignite the flames of the peasant war on the spot and left for the Don; this meant that the peasants had to abandon their home and family to follow them. However, the bulk of the peasants did not join either of them, but went home.

The fate of those Balashovites who rallied around the Don Cossacks was different. After leaving the Kaluga district, they went to the Don. After crossing the Oka River, their detachment moved past Tula to Epifan. It is difficult to say how many Roslavl Cossacks were on the left bank of the Oka. The government estimated their strength on the basis of rumors and interviews with prisoners, who gave contradictory statements, naming the figure from two to 6 thousand people. In any case, there were enough rebels under the walls of Tula to frighten the voivode, and despite strict orders, the Tula military men did not make any attempt to detain the "thieves". The unimpeded advance of the Balashovites alarmed the Government. It was impossible to miss the Roslavl Cossacks, among whom were the most dangerous elements for Moscow, it was impossible. From the capital, Khovansky was sent a letter with the order "to send hundreds of horse in pursuit of thieves", which should go "hastily, without koshey, so as not to miss the Don and Volga". Then, on June 9 and 10, Khovansky from near Serpukhov sent 10 hundred military men to "fish" over the Balashovtsa 63 .

It was not immediately possible for the tsar's advanced detachments to overtake the Cossacks. The mobile and easy-going villages of Balashovtsev seemed to be elusive to the slow government troops. However, having broken into the Epifansky district, the Cossacks rushed to smash the estates and fiefdoms. This delayed them, and on June 13, hundreds of Khovanski caught up with the Balashovites on the Prona River. There was a battle. The Cossacks, having lost many dead and about a hundred prisoners, withdrew 64 . However, the unsuccessful clash on the Pron for the Cossacks was not yet a rout. Balashovtsy, bypassing the barriers, stubbornly advanced to the Don. In the 20th of June, their advanced detachments appeared in the Voronezh district. In vain the local voivode M. Yazykov looked hopefully at the Moscow road: the people of Khovansky were far behind. The voivode had to accept the siege, calling even those who lived 50 versts from the city to the fortress walls. The Roslavl Cossacks, after standing there for several days, went south. On the way, they had to once again encounter the sovereign's men-at-arms. On June 23, 3 hundreds of Mikheev blocked the path of the Cossacks on the Betyaga River, but they did not manage to detain the former Roslavl residents for a long time .65
This ends the story of the Thistle squad, for. having reached the upper Cossack towns, the Balashovites dispersed, who went where. Several thousand people went with Lyakh and Tchistoprud, but many fewer passed through Betyaga. About 1,500 people moved to surrender to the voivodes in Serpukhov. When the clerk wrote the last name on the list, there were 518 of them. The mass of Balashov residents alone and in groups, bypassing outposts and bypassing cities, simply dispersed, "where who lives". It is impossible to trace the path of all these villages: after all, only those that were discovered were included in the documents. So, a detachment of 500 people moved away from Tchistoprud near

62 Ibid. ("Prikazny stoly"), 69, pl. 128-263.

63 Ibid., l. 290.

64 Ibid., pp. 96-108.

65 Ibid., l. 365.

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Veneva 66 . Increased "waste" after the defeat on the Pron. "And when we were defeated," one of the captured Balashovites reported,"we went to the cities." Another prisoner added :" And when we were beaten up, we ran away on different roads at once."67 . Concerned about the flight of the Roslavl Cossacks, the government took action. Voivodes of cities were ordered to set up roadblocks and "stop thieves". In Moscow, "biryuchi shouted for more than one day" that secretly returned Balashov residents were seized and dragged to the orders. The Government's fears were not unfounded in their own way. "As soon as the peace treaty was concluded," wrote the voivodes of the cities from the Discharge Order, " and they [the Balashovites], hearing this, rushed more than ever to any theft... Nobles and children of boyars and all sorts of service people and district people began to be beaten. " 68
In July 1634, the ruling circles settled accounts with the Balashovites. "And from that time on, the thieves of the Cossacks fled and those, sire, Cossacks, were pursued by the nobles and children of the boyars and their people through the forests," boasted the voivode of Vienna U. Khrushchev .69 According to the verdict of the Boyar Duma, the few children of the Boyars who took part in the movement were taken away from their land holdings. "We have lost our own estates and fiefdoms by stealing," the verdict read. Many Balashov residents were thrown into prison, while others were sent to Siberia "for arable land". Interesting events are connected with the name of Rastopchin. During the interrogation, it turned out that he was the son of a Kazan minor nobleman. After the death of his father, he came to Moscow to "feed on work". In the end, Rastopchin gave himself a cabal to I. Chelkov. The latter now demanded the return of his serf 70 . The government initially agreed to grant Chelkov's claim, but then, given Rastopchin's prominent role in the movement, exiled him to Sibir1 . Such was the royal favor for the surrender at Serpukhov. Some Balashov residents were sent" on strong bail " to their place of residence. At the same time, there was an award ceremony for those military men who smashed Roslavl villages. For two or three people killed, 50 chetas of dowry were given and a ruble each "for a peasant";"and who has one dead peasant ruble of money, and the local dowry is not specified" 72 . Thus ended the Balashovshchina, one of the largest peasant-Cossack movements of the 1630s.

Balashovschina is a complex traffic area. It united under its banners peasants, serfs, Don Cossacks, posadsky and walking people. He was joined by the lower strata of the provincial nobility, mainly the feed children of the boyars. This predetermined the contradictory nature of the actions of Balashov residents. At first, they actively fought against the Polish-Lithuanian detachments for the return of the counties lost by Russia under the Deulin Truce. There are also "predatory" tendencies associated mainly with the actions of feeding children of the boyars. At the same time, an anti-feudal trend was maturing within the movement. It grew, grew stronger and found its expression in disobedience, "theft", escapes to freemen of peasants and serfs, in pogroms of the possessions of Polish and then Russian landlords. With the transfer of the Roslavl freemen to the old territory of the Russian state, a new page in the history of the Balashov region was opened. Although the participants of the movement still did not miss the opportunity to cross arms with the Poles, the main thing was different. This is evident both in the unprecedented scale of the peasants 'flight to the Balashovites and in the reaction of the ruling class, whose representatives complained in their petitions that" the Cossacks are completely ruining their estates, ... their people "and inciting theft", and they themselves are beaten. It is not surprising that the government of Tsar Michael saw in Balashov the first signs of a new peasant war. 73 This is evidenced by both Russian and foreign sources.

66 Ibid., pp. 283, 367-368.

67 Ibid., l. 97.

68 Ibid., l. 313.

69 Ibid., l. 93.

70 Ibid., pp. 468-473.

71 State Historical Museum, Department of Written Sources, f. 443, 5.

72 TSGADA, f. 210 ("Belgorod table"), 61, ll. 26-27.

73 B. F. Porshnev. The Thirty Years ' War and the entry of Sweden and the Moscow State into it, Moscow, 1976, pp. 424-425.

page 127

On December 30, 1633, the Swedish resident in Moscow informed the State Council in Stockholm that the tsar had many enemies and traitors, and a coup was inevitable in the near future .74 Other Swedish documents also mention the internal disturbances that prompted the tsar to seek peace .75 The letter from the Embassy order sent to meet the Russian ambassadors after the conclusion of the Polyanovsky peace echoes this news.: "Many towns gave up the Lithuanian side unwillingly, because it was impossible to cut it and it was impossible to put it in the haulage"; with the conclusion of peace, " people will stay in peace and ease... But those who have stirred up our state and caused confusion and killed our people, and they have received vengeance from God for their deeds according to their deeds. " 76 As we can see, Balashovshchina turned out to be one of the causes of an acute internal political crisis, which significantly affected the course of the Smolensk War.

74 g. Forsten. Sweden's relations with Russia. "Journal of the Ministry of National Education", 1891, No. 1, p. 355.

75 B. F. Porshnev. Socio-political situation in Russia during the Smolensk War, p. 117.

76 TSGADA, f. 79 ("Affairs with Poland), 1634, 7A, l. 9.

page 128


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