Libmonster ID: MD-1314

Marijana Belaj

"A Place Where God Has Touched the Land in a Special Way": Medjugorje as an International and Intercultural Space

Marijana Belaj -Associate Professor at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, University of Zagreb (Croatia), marijana@belaj.com

After the work by the Dutch anthropologist Mart Bax, Medjugorje gained an academic reputation of a showcase for a pilgrimage space with religious, ethnic and political conflicts. From the very beginning of its pilgrimage history, Medjugorje as a sacred place attracted believers of various religious affiliations. The intention of this paper is to open up a different perspective in contrast to one proposed by Bax, namely, a perspective of international and intercultural communication through the shaping of Medjugorje pilgrimage. By analyzing primarily narrative expressions, but also embodied experiences and material objects, the paper sketches situations and manifestations of such interaction and communication. At the same time, it points to the obstacles in the processes that have emerged from the construction and interpretation of cultural differences. The paper concludes with an attempt to show that Medjugorje may be seen as an example ofinterculturality, unless religion and identity are not approached as something given or as a kind of a ghetto.

Keywords: Medjugorje, Balkans, pilgrimage, internationality, interculturality

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AS a pilgrimage CENTER, Medugorje became known in the international academic community largely due to the work of Dutch anthropologist Mart Bax. After the publication of his book, 1 Mezhdugorye is perceived as a vivid example of pilgrimage marked by religious, ethnic and political conflicts, 2 with a pronounced nationalist dimension.3 This perception of Mezhdugorye coincides with political and popular discourses about Bosnia and Herzegovina, which emphasize the insuperability of ethnic and religious differences. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, ethnicity most often merges with religion: Croats are Catholics, Serbs are Orthodox, and Bosniaks are Muslims. In each case, "religious practices and symbols are formative factors in the construction of parallel and competing collective cultural and political entities or nations (Muslim, Croat or Serb)" 4. All ethnic conflicts are simultaneously treated as religious, and religious differences are understood as the main motive of the confrontations that take place. Baks applied this image of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Inter-Mountain region without reservation, understanding religion exclusively as a repository of ethnic differences, which as such inevitably lead to inter-ethnic conflicts. Bax studied the Inter-Mountain region from 1982 to 1994, visiting it for several weeks a year. He formulated his main research question as follows: "What happens to the population of an ordinary, little-known peasant village when it becomes the focus of religious attention of millions of people

1. Вах, М. (1995) Medjugorje: Religion, Politics, and Violence in Rural Bosnia. Amsterdam: VU Uitgeverij.

2. Bowie, F. (2006) The Anthropology of Religion: An Introduction, pp. 240, 260. Maiden, Oxford and Carlton: Blackwell Publishing; Halemba, A. (2011) "National, Transnational or Cosmopolitan Heroine? The Virgin Mary's Apparitions in Contemporary Europe", Ethnic and Racial Studies 34 (3): 461; Hayden, R. M. (2002) "Antagonistic Tolerance: Competitive Sharing of Religious Sites in South Asia and the Balkans", Current Anthropology 43 (2): 214; Margry, P.J. (ed.) (2008) Shrines and Pilgrimage in the Modern World. New Itineraries into the Sacred, p. 14. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.

3. Fischer, R. (2013) Call for Presentations for the 1st Global Conference: Sacred Journeys: Pilgrimage and Beyond (July 2014: Oxford, United Kingdom) [http://call-for-papers.sas.upenn.edu/node/54088, accessed on 26.02.2014].

4. Bringa, T. (1995) Being Muslim the Bosnian Way: Identity and Community in a Central Bosnian Village, p. 195. Princeton, NY: Princeton University Press.

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from all over the world?"5. At the beginning of his exploration of this topos, Bax discovered that it was "a volcanic area where eruptions of human violence were the rule rather than the exception", and "after some time, it gradually became clear" that "the most primitive branches of the Serb and Croat tribes live there" (here, to explain why the site is so popular). to express his impressions, he uses the words of M. Glennie), for whom "blood feud" and "vendetta" are "normal phenomena" 6.

I started studying Long-distance in 2006, twelve years later than Martha Bax. Even the first visits revealed a variety of discourses of different actors involved in the formation of the Mezhdugorye space. More precisely, I saw the universality of this pilgrimage center, its ability to perceive and absorb this diversity.7 This experience was not like the one described by Bax: the Inter-mountain space, internally more complex, was different from the monotonous picture that he drew in his book. Moreover, on my first visit to different locations of the pilgrimage routes 8, I met with a variety of languages and writing options, studying graffiti on the pedestal of the great cross on Mount Krizhevac, as well as inscriptions on tiles on the "Hill of Apparition". The diversity of religious practices that have established this place as a whole world was also evident , with confessions and services held in numerous languages. In addition, there were noticeable differences in individual perception

5. Bax, M.Medjugorje: Religion, Politics, and Violence in Rural Bosnia, p. xvii.

6. Ibid.

7. Eade, J. and Sallnow, M. J. (eds.) (1991) Contesting the Sacred: the Anthropology of Christian Pilgrimage, p. 5. London and New York: Routledge.

8. Mezhdugorye consists of several pilgrimage locations. It is impossible to list all of them or arrange them by their degree of importance, since there is no single established route in Mezhdugorye. The following points stand out in particular: Krijevac Hill with Religious procession stops and a large cross at the top of the hill, Apparition Hill or Hill with a bronze relief of the secret crown, Blue Cross, St. Peter's Parish Church. Yakov Gallery and the space near it with a number of prayer places (chapel of worship of Jesus in the Most Holy Communion Altar, confessionals, sculpture of the Queen of Peace, sculpture of the Easter Savior, grave of Fra Slavko Barbaric in the Kovacic cemetery, etc.), house of the society for help and recovery of drug-addicted young people Tsenakolo, home of the seer Vici Ivankovic Mijatovic, etc. (2012) Milijuni maputu. Antropologija hodocasca isveto tlo Medugorja, pp. 118-213. Zagreb: Naklada Jesenski i Turk; Guide Through the Shrine of the Queen of Peace (2002), Information Centre "Mir" Medjugorje [http://www.medjugorje.hr/en/medjugorje-phenomenon/guide/, accessed on 27.10.2013].

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"Other" and "other": attitudes toward" Other "and" different " fluctuated between acceptance and indirect protest. The image of Mezhdugorye as a space of "barbaric" and "wild", filled with "bloody tribal conflicts", turned out to be absolutely wrong, especially since this image is not in the memory of the local population, and there is no reason to believe that it was artificially consigned to oblivion.

Bax viewed religion and identity as a kind of ghetto9, and perceived inter-religious and inter-ethnic relations exclusively as nationalist tensions and conflicts.

A Roman Catholic parish has existed in Mezhdugorye for more than 100 years, that is, long before the "apparitions of Mary", and for almost 400 years this village was on the list of parishes of the Roman Catholic Church. According to the census of 1991year (that is, at the time of Bax's research), there were 1,356 Croats and one Serb living in Mezhdugorje, and 14,823 Croats and 19 Serbs living in the Citluk community, which includes Mezhdugorje. Ten years earlier, when the pilgrimage to Mezhdugorje began, 13,799 Croats and 15 Serbs lived in the Citluk community. Thus, the number of Serbian residents increased from the beginning of the pilgrimage to the time of the Bax survey, but only slightly. And so it is completely incomprehensible how Bax came to think of interethnic (and inter-religious) confrontations. When I arrived in Mezhdugorye, I immediately realized that many of the facts that Bax refers to were misinterpreted by him, 10 so I decided to put aside his work,

9. The ghetto metaphor reflects the understanding of religion as an exclusive phenomenon, as a given, isolated from external influences, the spread of ideas and changing experiences.

10. Bax's book caused controversy in academic circles (see: Belaj, M. Milijuni na putu. Antropologija hodocasca i sueto tlo Medugorja, pp. 65-68; Bringa, T. R. (1997) " Medjugorje: Religion, Politics, and Violence in Rural Bosnia by MartBax. Review", American Ethnologist 24 (1): 241 - 242; Lucie, I. (2011) "Jugoslavenska komunisticka vlast i dogadaji u Medugorju pocetkom osamdesetih godina dvadesetog stoljeca", Zbornik radova sa znanstvenog simpozija "Trideset godina Medugorja" odrzanog 5. listopada 2011. и Medugorju. Hercegovina Franciscana god VII (7): 95 - 114; Zanic, I. (1998) "Hercegovacki rat i mir. Mart Bax: Medugorje: religion, politics, and violence in rural Bosnia", Erasmus 23: 84 - 92. [English translation: http://www.c3.hu/scripta/ books/98/34/zanic. htm]). But disputes also arose among the local population, and these disputes were ignored for years. Suspecting the researcher of providing false information, after he left his post in 2012, the Free University of Amsterdam launched an investigation, the results of which were published in the official report for 2013 (http://www.vu. nl/nl/Images/20130 9 10_RapportBax_tcm9 356 928. pdf? utm_source=sub_

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so that my research does not turn into a study of the "Buck Intercity".

Contrary to Bax's impressions, back in 1981, when the growth of this pilgrimage center began, the following message was published in the local newspaper::

Three months have passed since the first unusual phenomena in the Mezhdugorye region... These phenomena were consistently repeated from day to day, from month to month, and attracted hundreds of thousands of believers and curious people to Mezhdugorye... not only from the nearest, but also from the most remote regions of the country. And not only Catholics, but also believers of other faiths 11.

From other reports of this time, it was possible to learn that over the past months, many believers, Orthodox Christians and Muslims visited Mezhdugorye, who made unforgettable impressions from there, having witnessed it in writing and orally. So, some Orthodox people were moved to tears when a local priest addressed them with words about the one Heavenly Father and the Mother of God, who love everyone equally, despite their religious differences. Others were impressed by the attention and hospitality of the local faithful, who received them at home as if they were brothers and sisters. In turn, local believers and clergy were touched by the deep faith and piety of adherents of other faiths. Special mention is made of the faith and humility of a group of Orthodox Gypsies who, from afar (from Lukoch), knelt at the entrance to the Mezhdugorsk church. According to Fra Tomislav, he had never seen such a dignified approach to the cross as the Orthodox Gypsies showed when, divided by age, they approached it and kissed it.

Orthodox believers came to Mezhdugorye from quite remote places - from Leskovets, Zaechar, Shapets, Smederev,

persbericht&utm_medium=e-mail&utm_term&utm_content&utm_campaign=pbl3 107). One of the most important sources of information in this work is a voluminous text about the Bax study in Mezhdugorje, by Robert Jolic, historian and priest of the Herzegovina Franciscan Province of the Ascension of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Jolic, R. (2013) "Fabrications on Medjugorje: on Mart Bax 'Research", Studia ethnologica Croatica 25: 309-328).

11. "Svjedocanstva iz Medugorja i о Medugorju" (1981), Nasa ognjista XI (8): 3.

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Belgrade, Subotica. There were also Muslim pilgrims from far away (for example, one group came directly from Zagreb, Croatia)12.

These examples show that already in the first period of its history Mezhdugorye attracted many pilgrims of different faiths, united by a common idea of the sanctity of this place. Anthropologist Agnieszka Halemba wrote about her visit to Mezhdugorye in 2007: "I discussed issues of war and nationalism in connection with Mezhdugorye with some of my fellow pilgrims (mostly Ukrainian Greek Catholics, but also Russians, mostly Roman Catholics). Their general discussion and exchange of views confirmed the idea of Mezhdugorye as a peaceful place " 13. Today Mezhdugorye is one of the most attractive and significant pilgrimage centers in Europe and in the world.

In this paper, I intend, based on the above facts and on the recognized religious universality of the pilgrimage center under consideration, to demonstrate an understanding of the Intercity that differs from the one proposed by Bax, namely, one that draws attention to the international and intercultural nature of communication between different actors (and not only pilgrims) involved in the formation of this center. Drawing on Gertraud Koch, I see cross-cultural communication as a fundamental social process of dialogue, as "a movement towards a common interpretation of the situation" and, in addition, as "a perspective of analysis, rather than a basic conceptual research framework" .14 I am interested not only in situations and manifestations of cross-cultural interaction and communication, but also in what they represent. it hinders, as a consequence of the construction and interpretation of cultural differences. In such a paradigm, the key question is divided or even different

12. V. V. L. (1981) "Medugorje, tiho molitveno mjesto", Nasa ognjista XI (9): 10-11.

13. Halemba, A. "National, Transnational or Cosmopolitan Heroine? The Virgin Mary's Apparitions in Contemporary Europe", p. 461.

14. Koch, G. (2009) "Intercultural Communication and Competence Research through the Lens of an Anthropology of Knowledge", Forum: Qualitative Social Research 10 (1), Art. 15: 45 [http://www.qualitative-research.net/index. php/fqs/article/view/1231/2 677#gi, accessed from 30.12.2013].

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knowledge and information, while ethnicity, nation or language are irrelevant categories 15.

A knot that weaves millions of people from all over the world

The history of Mezhdugorye as a pilgrimage center begins on June 24, 1982, when six children told about the appearance of the Mother of God to them. From that moment until now, according to eyewitnesses, the phenomena of the Lady continuously continue. The total number of pilgrims (40 million) makes Mezhdugorye one of the most visited pilgrimage centers in the world. Since the official church has not yet recognized Mezhdugorye as a place of pilgrimage, 16 the number of pilgrims indicates that the place becomes holy not because of any decree or institutionalization, but because of the beliefs of the pilgrims and all those involved in the process of its formation.

In the above-mentioned reviews published in a local newspaper in 1981, it was reported that although Mezhdugorye attracts mostly Catholics, from the very beginning of the events described, it began to attract pilgrims belonging to other Christian and non-Christian religious traditions. A few months after the first evidence of the apparition of the Virgin Mary, pilgrims from all over the world began arriving in Mezhdugorye.17 In the mid-1980s, most of the pilgrims were foreigners, and the Yugoslav airline JAT even organized special lines for pilgrims from Italia18. From the very beginning, Italians represented the largest group of foreign pilgrims. In the first five years, 4 million Italians visited Mezhdugorye, and seven specialized travel agencies were opened in Milan, which organized pilgrimages to Mezhdugorye. As he writes

15. Koch, G. "Intercultural Communication and Competence Research through the Lens of an Anthropology of Knowledge", p. 26.

16. In 2010, the Vatican approves a commission chaired by Cardinal Camillo Ruini. The Commission completed its work in January 2014. The results will be submitted to the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (Congregatio pro Doctrina Fidei). - ed. note.

17. Orec, L. (1993) "Fenomen Medugorja. Faktografija", Bogoslovska smotra 63 (1 - 2): 66.

18. Lucie, I. "Jugoslavenska komunisticka vlast i dogadaji u Medugorju pocetkom osamdesetih godina dvadesetog stoljeca", p. 107.

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former Intercity vicar (1988-199 1) Leonard Orech 19, Over time, Italian pilgrims outnumbered English-speaking pilgrims, as well as German-speaking pilgrims. In the 1990s, following a change in the political situation in Eastern Europe, the number of pilgrims from the respective countries increased.20 Orech concludes his review with the following words: "Mezhdugorye has become a meeting and prayer place for West and East, North and South... We can confidently say that Mezhdugorye has become a kind of center of the united peoples of the world. " 21 All these data relate to the same time when M. Bax visited Mezhdugorye, and therefore his words about the "volcanic territory" of barbaric Croatian and Serbian tribes, which could hardly attract millions of pilgrims from all over the world, seem so strange.

A survey conducted during August and October 2001, when 505 people from 33 countries22 were interviewed, provides an updated summary of the pilgrimage to Mezhdugorye. According to the results of this survey, pilgrims came from Croatia (18%), Italy (16%), Austria (14%), Ireland (9%), Poland (8%), France (7%), Germany (6%), Bosnia and Herzegovina (5%), and the United States (4%) and other countries. It was found that 91.45% of them are confessional Catholics, 8% are followers of other Christian and non-religious communities (Greek Catholics, adherents of Asian religions, Protestants, Orthodox Christians, Muslims), and 0.6% are non-members of any religion 23.

As for the spiritual atmosphere of Mezhdugorye, pilgrims talk about the fulfillment of the will of the Virgin, which, according to eyewitnesses, she expressed in her appearances, calling for universal peace and love (reconciliation with God and people), for faith and conversion to God, for prayer and fasting (refusal

19. Orec, L. "Fenomen Medugorja. Faktografija", Bogoslovska smotra 63 (1 - 2): 66.

20. At the same time, among the coastal countries from which the largest number of pilgrims arrive, the author points out the United States, Canada and Brazil, noting that pilgrims from Australia and New Zealand are also not uncommon. Frequent pilgrims include visitors from the Philippines, Singapore, Vietnam, Hong Kong, Japan, Oman, Sri Lanka, Kenya, and Peru.

21. Ibid., pp. 66 - 67.

22. Leutar, I., NeuholdL., Leutar, Z. (2007) "Obiljezja hodocasnika u Medugorju - motivi i znacenje hodocasca", Bogoslovska smotra 77 (1): 217 - 243.

23. Ibid., pp. 223, 226.

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from worldly goods). The main motifs of all messages of the Mother of God become decisive for the atmosphere that is formed in Mezhdugorye. According to the testimony of the seer Maria Pavlovich, on the third day of the apparition, the Mother of God called for peace:

Peace, peace, peace and only peace. The world must rule between God and man and between men (June 26, 1981).

Our Lady herself introduced herself as the Queen of the World. The world to which she calls in her messages is presented as the greatest good, and faith, transfiguration, prayer and fasting are the ways to reach it. One is connected to the other.

Mezhdugorye in the messages of the Mother of God is the" chosen " land, where her plan of universal transformation and humility will be realized:

Dear children, I chose this place myself in a special way and I want to manage it (March 1, 1984).

...After all, my Son and I have a special plan associated with this place ...(April 12, 1984).

...Dear children, I want you to understand that God has chosen each of you to use in his great plan to save humanity (January 25, 1987).

...Little children, I urge you to help each of you to fulfill my intention in this place and with its help... (April 25, 1994) -...Here I started, from this place, and called the whole world ...(August 25, 2011)24.

Choosing Mezhdugorye, the Mother of God at the same time made it a consecrated space, or rather "holy land", as one of the regular pilgrims calls it. The motif of the" chosen one " of Mezhdugorye is supported among many participants in the creation of the pilgrimage space:

I was in Mexico, in one place, and we had a service. There were three women inside, and one of them came up to me and said that she knew the language, but she couldn't understand where we were coming from. And then they are [acquaintances

24. "Messages from Mezhdugorye" (2014) [http://www.medjugorje.ws/ru/messages/, accessed from 25.05.2014].

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the speaker] was told that they were from Croatia, from Zagreb. And then she [one of the three women] said that she was in Mezhdugorye. And then they [friends of the speaker] told her that we were two from Mezhdugorye! You should have seen her! How much respect! She touched and kissed our hands, it was a miracle!25

In Mezhdugorye, "in this storehouse of God's love, many find comfort, they are freed from the evil of sin, from pressure," emphasizes one of the guides of the 26 pilgrims. These are people who are looking for something that they can't find, and again, for some unknown and mentally incomprehensible reasons, find it in Mezhdugorye. This is something that is beyond the control of reason, this is faith. This is the belief that it is here, in the Mezhdugorye, that they find what they cannot find elsewhere... Some will say that you can pray both here and there, this is a fact. But vox populi says this is where people find what they need.27
The Mezhdugorsky priest remarks: "When people get up on this earth, they feel some kind of, in modern terms, positive energy, positive vibrations." 28 Of course, for many, the support and hope is the Virgin Mary herself, her presence and her messages. According to the above-mentioned study, for 91% of respondents, the Virgin Mary plays a very important role in their lives, for 6.7% - moderate, and for 2.2% - insignificant 29. The authors of the study specify that the image of the Mother of God is also significant for those pilgrims who do not attach much importance to religiosity. At the same time, for those who do not honor it, the values offered by the "holy land" of Mezhdugorye are significant. Ivan Cesar, a resident of the Franciscan Province of Herzegovina, explains it this way::

25. Field materials of the author (hereinafter referred to as PMA): a woman, about 50 years old, Mezhdugorye, 06.06.2008.

26. PMA: male, about 70 years old, 28.04.2006.

27. PMA: Ivan Cesar, born 1967, Mezhdugorye, 25.06.2010.

28. PMA: priest, b. 1938, Mezhdugorye, 26.06.2010.

29. Leutar, I., Neuhold, L., Leutar, Z. "Obiljezja hodocasnika u Medugorju - motivi i znacenje hodocasca", p. 231.

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Phenomena, according to eyewitnesses, "created" Mezhdugorye, but it is also irrefutable that today people come here to seek God regardless of the phenomena of the Lady. This is the place where God touched the earth in a special way 30.

In Mezhdugorye, many people feel "a sense of closeness to God and the spiritual values that are common here and for which they come... People of other faiths come to Mezhdugorye, where they deepen their personal religiosity and the faith to which they previously belonged, feeling that something divine and supernatural is happening in Mezhdugorye."31. As Alan Morinis pointed out, "when the' spiritual appeal ' of a certain place develops... One day, it may become so strong that it will transcend group and cultural boundaries, attracting pilgrims of different faiths. " 32 Perceiving this place as "holy", many pilgrims collect stones or clods of earth on the Hill of Apparition and on Krizhevets, which for them, as well as for those to whom they are intended, carry a piece of sanctity. For some, these stones or earth have acquired a sacred character because they were touched by the presence of the Lady, 33 for others, because " millions of pilgrims walked on it [the earth],"34 and because it is" a holy land sanctified by prayers. " 35
30. "Svecenik dr. Ivan Sesar о Medugorju" (2006), Kriz zivota June 12 [http://www.kriz-zivota.com/komentari/1319/svecenik_dr_ivan_sesar_o_medugorju/, доступ от 27.09.2010].

31. Coric, S. S. (2011) "Medugorje i ekumena u Crkvi i krscanstvu", Zbornik radova sa znanstvenog simpozija "Trideset godina Medugorja" odrzanog 5. listopada 2011. и Medugorju. Hercegovina Franciscana VII (7): 284.

32. Morinis, A. (1992) "Introduction. The Territory of the Anthropology of Pilgrimage", in A. Morinis (ed.) Sacred Journeys. The Anthropology of Pilgrimage, p. 5. Westport - Connecticut, London: Greenwood Press.

33. PMA: a woman pilgrim from Zagreb; Kelemen, P. (2011) " Zasto je vazno uzeti kamencic s Brda ukazanja? Upisivanje znacenja u materijalnost Medugorja", in Kult Velike Majke i stovanje Majke Bozje, conference held on October 6-7, 2011, Zagreb: Filozofski fakultet Sveucilista u Zagreb (unpublished conference report).

34-PMA: Hindu pilgrim, proj. in Malaysia, about 40 years old Mezhdugorye, 08.06.2008.

35. Kelemen, P. "Zasto je vazno uzeti kamencic s Brda ukazanja? Upisivanje znacenja u materijalnost Medugorja".

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Back to the Buck question: "What happens to the population of an ordinary, little-known peasant village when it becomes the religious focus of millions of people from all over the world?" 36
"The fact that people have been coming from all over the world for years is doing its job," says a local resident about the pilgrimage Intercity 37. In 1979, just two years before the first evidence of the apparition of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Mezhdugorye, the inhabitants of this area were engaged exclusively in agriculture. At the time of the first phenomena in Mezhdugorye, there was not a single factory, not a single hotel. There wasn't a single hotel! There was one small inn that was open from time to time... People came. A foreigner came to my house, and I received him. I gave him my own bed, I slept on the floor myself, you know? I give him the water, and tomorrow I pay for the tank to bring water. Running out of water. The water was gold. Everything is so. I give him wine, raki, and bake him bread. Everything is free. Not a single dinar was paid at that time. And only later... when these millions arrive, a person should eat, drink, sleep 38.

Compared to other similar places, Mezhdugorye quickly transformed into a major pilgrimage center. Since the beginning of religious activity, there has been an economic recovery here. At the same time, this accelerated development has created a number of problems. One of them concerns the relationship of local residents with foreign entrepreneurs and is related to the "introduction" of international business into the local one, especially in the tourism industry. Foreigners benefit by taking pilgrims to Intercity destinations and placing them in their own hotels and guest houses. Local residents, according to their testimony, are forced to reduce prices for accommodation in order to attract pilgrims and pay off loans that they took out for the construction of boarding houses. Discontent also arises when a foreign agency provides accommodation in one of the guest houses of local owners, since these agencies charge an inflated price for accommodation for their own profit, taking the difference for themselves. The reason for such problems

36. Bax, M.Medjugorje: Religion, Politics, and Violence in Rural Bosnia, p. xvii.

37. PMA: male, about 70 years old, Mezhdugorye, 17.06. 2006.

38. PMA: male, local resident, about 6o years old, Mezhdugorye, 09.06.2008.

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residents of Mezhdugorye see first of all the inability of local and state authorities to cope with such a rapid development of pilgrimage in Mezhdugorye. At the same time, it is obvious that the locals themselves consider and develop their living space precisely in connection with the pilgrimage.

The daily interaction of local residents with thousands of pilgrims is a collision with numerous cultural differences, which are expressed in habits and needs, as well as a collision with their own capabilities and limitations regarding meeting these needs. Cultural boundaries between the local population and visitors are sometimes permeable, and sometimes they turn out to be insurmountable barriers. In the process of rejection of the "Other" by local residents, a "protective" discourse arises, in which their culture is understood as "a little more conservative" (for example:" I think we are a little more conservative people, especially here in Herzegovina"; or"we are a little more conservative in matters of faith").

The owner of one of the boarding houses vividly described his impressions about the diversity of pilgrims, revealing at the same time the ability to adapt to the needs of guests: their everyday, everyday habits.

In principle, we tolerate some things, and some things we don't. For example, the Americans used to have it like this: the priest who is in the group comes up to them, sets them up, holds their hand on their head and then pushes them, they fall. We don't allow that here. They have some brothers who do it, who can do it, and who simply hypnotize them, knock them down. We don't allow it! There are a lot of people who come like this, with a group, and ask if it is possible to hold a service in the house. The administration does not allow this. We talk: "The administration does not allow it 39. You, if you want a service, there is a chapel over there, we will arrange, arrange for you to spend there." Or, if they speak a different language, we reply that there is no service here. I don't know, some kind of Arabic, if it's Lebanese. Then there are the Americans, who hold hands during prayer, which is kind of strange for us. They,

39. "By ecclesiastical decree, it is forbidden to hold Mass in boarding houses, private homes in which you live, on the hills or in any chapel that is located in the territory of the Mezhdugorye region" (Cesar [s. a.])

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let's say they applaud after the sermon is over, things like that. Some others don't like it and may lead to misunderstandings. But you can't tell them not to applaud. What we can say to them, we say. For example, as for my house... If it is customary for them to applaud after a sermon, let them applaud. But this is only possible inside, because if someone of some other nation, they would not like it, you know 40.

The resistance of the local population is especially pronounced when it comes to those who visit Mezhdugorye "at the same time", "on the way to the sea", and at the same time "do not respect some rules":

It is incomprehensible to us when they enter a church in shorts or a sleeveless T-shirt, what some of them are doing. They are [those who] they come from the sea... There are those who do not respect this. There are people who have come here who don't really believe, but rather come out of curiosity. We had a group that didn't come here and didn't go to church in any way, there were seven or eight of them, they spent a lot of time here, beat around the bush, they weren't interested in what was there. They don't respect some rules... They perceive it as some kind of excursion, it is more important for them where to go for a drink... This is not good for their reputation, nor for the place itself."

The local population believes that many of these "misunderstandings" will be resolved when local and state authorities are involved in the creation of a pilgrimage intercity.

As mentioned above, this "large gathering of believers from all nations and continents"42 leaves not only local and state authorities at a loss. On the one hand, the Church is aware of the" fruits " that Mezhdugorye brings to it. Tomislav Ivancic, theologian and canon of the Mother See of Zagreb, compares Mezhdugorje to the congregations of believers from all over the world in St. Peter's Square in Rome and concludes: "There is also a sense of universality and unity here

40. PMA: male, local resident, about 6o years old, Mezhdugorye, 06.06.2008.

41. PMA: male, local resident, about 6o years old, Mezhdugorye, 09.06.2008.

42. Ivancic, Т. (2011) "Medugorje u kontekstu ekleziologije", Zbornik radoua sa znanstvenog simpozija "Trideset godina Medugorja" odrzanog 5. listopada 2011. и Medugorju. Hercegovina Franciscana VII (7): 78.

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Churches " 43. At the same time, it seems that this quality of Intercity is not supported in the statements and practices of the Intercity Franciscans, who take pastoral care of the Intercity. Fra Szymun Szito Coric, a theologian and psychologist who is a missionary at the Solothurn Catholic Mission in Croatia in Switzerland, believes that Intercity Franciscans are closed to non-Catholics and non-believers-either because of fatigue and confusion in their work, including with pilgrims, or because of indifference or negative attitude church authorities to the diverse mass of international visitors, or because of the lack of adequate ideas about ecumenism and interreligious dialogue. Outside of the Catholic rite, no spiritual services are provided in Mezhdugorye, and there is not even an institution that serves pilgrims who do not belong to the Catholic Church or to Christianity in general. 44
At the same time, numerous believers, followers of other (non-Christian) religious traditions and those who do not venerate the Virgin Mary, testify to the attractiveness of Mezhdugorye itself, regardless of the phenomena of the Virgin. As we have already noted, the calls for peace, openness to all people and to God, and renunciation of sin contained in the epistles of the Mother of God are common to various religions and ethical systems. And if worshippers of the Virgin Mary are brought to Mezhdugorye by her messages and presence, others are attracted to Mezhdugorye itself, because they feel the proximity of the sacred here and recognize "their" values in it. So, for example, individuals who are credited with special powers, as well as their clients, activate their alternative healing practices, feeling the special energy of this place and using it to conduct their sessions.

The space under consideration takes on an intercultural character and becomes the basis for interreligious dialogue in the process of interaction between pilgrims. However, this is not always the case.

It is very important who guides you in the Long Distance... They [the group guide and his assistant] themselves say that it is very important who will lead you to Mezhdugorye and what you will hear about Mezhdugorye... I'm sorry to see

43. Ivancic, Т. "Medugorje u kontekstu ekleziologije", p. 78.

44. Coric, S. S. "Medugorje i ekumena Crkvi i krscanstvu", pp. 284 - 285, 286.

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all these people who went to Mezhdugorye with good intentions, and some groups brought them to fanaticism... Everyone sees the Mother of God, everyone talks to her, everyone receives wonderful messages. One bigotry... Everything should be measured 45.

To this statement, the group's guide added::

They [her colleagues] went with other guides who promise a lot, except that they don't say, here is the Mother of God, take her, take her home. This can't happen. I can only confirm to you that the Lady appears in Mezhdugorye, that she is present there, and is present wherever you call her and where you behave normally 46.

In this case, we are talking about the relationship between "moderate" and "extreme" forms of religiosity, or rather, about a dispute between pilgrims and a polemic between guides. As Sheldrake points out, the locus and the sacred can produce both dissociation and consent. Meanwhile, disputes in Mezhdugorye do not reach open confrontations. The symbolically marked space and the main ideas of the spirituality of Mezhdugorye are the framework within which different interpretations of the pilgrimage are inscribed, as well as the disputes that are being waged around them.

Mezhdugorye beyond Mezhdugorye

The international and inter-cultural nature of the pilgrimage area of Mezhdugorye is not connected with its geographical boundaries. The atmosphere of" inter-mountain spirituality " is spread primarily by numerous pilgrims from all over the world, who share their experience and spread relevant ideas, creating prayer unions and church movements in different parts of the world based on the experience of the Inter-Mountain region.47 Expansion of the boundaries of the inter-mountain pilgrimage space is taking place

45-PMA: female, lives in Zagreb, about 50 years old, permanent pilgrim, Mezhdugorje, 30.04.2006.

46. PMA: male, about 70 years old, tour guide, Mezhdugorye, 30.04.2006.

47- Domej I. (2011) "Medugorje - nove duhovne zajednice i crkveni pokreti", Zbornik radova sa znanstvenog simpozija "Trideset godina Medugorja" odrzanog 5. listopada 2011. Medugorju. Hercegovina Franciscana VII (7): 247 - 261.

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through publications and television programs, as well as through Internet portals, which are not only sources of information, but also centers of religious communication and unity, or rather, examples of a "virtual inter - city center"48. This process is also facilitated by the distribution of various items - souvenirs, amulets, gifts, and among them are often found and those that don't come from the sanctuary itself. In different parts of the world, the "seeds" of the inter-mountain pilgrimage sanctuary are multiplying, embodied in the reproduction of individual artifacts: a copy in Krizhevtsy (cross and stops of the Way of the Cross), built in Malawi (Blantyre), Honduras (Dunley); a copy of the Blue Cross - in Northern Ireland (Calihan); a copy of the Church of St. John the Baptist. Yakov - in Honduras (Danli) and Panama; replicas of the rose garden from Apparition Hill - in Uganda (Kiwamiremba); statues of the inter-mountain Queen of Peace -in Belarus 49. Visionaries play a special role in spreading and promoting "inter-urban spirituality" in different parts of the world and in cross-cultural interactions: they travel and gather thousands of believers around them, wherever they are. Journalist Jakob Marschner wrote in a 2013 article titled "Phenomena that Unite Israeli Believers":

About 13,000 Christians, Jews,and Muslims wept together with joy when visionary Vicka Ivanovich-Mijatovic predicted the apparition of the Virgin Mary in Mealia, Israel, on August 21, 50.

Here we are talking about only one event that accompanied the week-long visit of the inter-Mountain seer Vicca to Israel, which took place as part of her participation in the first international pilgrimage of the Marantha Society for healing

48. Ruzic, D. (2011) "Odjek medugorskog fenomena u medijima", Zbornik radoua sa znanstvenog simpozija "Trideset godina Medugorja" odrzanog 5. listopada 2011. и Medugorju. Hercegovina Franciscana VII (7): 325 - 340.

49. "Replike medugorske crkve i Krizevca u Panami, Malaviju, Hondurasu, Kazahstanu" (2013), Informativni centar "Mir" Medugorje. [http://www.medjugorje-info. com/hr/medjugorje/o-medjugorju/medugorje-u-svijetu/119-medugorje-u-svijetu/replike-medu gorske-crkve-i-krizevca-u-panami-malaviju-hondurasu-kazahstanu. html, accessed on 26.02.2014.].

50. Marschner, J. (2013) "Apparitions unites Israeli believers", Medjugorje Today August 22, [http://www.medjugorjetoday.tv/9635/apparition-unites-israeli-believers/, доступ от 30.12.2013].

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humanity. There was also a whole series of journeys of inter-mountain seers, during which they acted not only as ambassadors of the Inter-Mountain region, but also as those who are called to convey the messages of the Mother of God to people wherever they find themselves. According to Lunetti, one of the witnesses of such a meeting with the seeress Maria Pavlovich in Beirut, the messages of the Virgin were read and understood as a universal blessing and hope.:

It was an extraordinary experience. I have already been to Mezhdugorye twice, but to experience the same experience at home in Lebanon is a special blessing. Among those who came to the meeting (there were about 50,000 of us) were mostly people who had heard about the epistles of the Virgin, but did not have the opportunity to visit Mezhdugorye. It was an exceptional moment for all of us. We so longed for the appearance of the Holy Mother of God in Lebanon and for the blessing of this divided country... Personally, I think she was happy to come to a country where Christians and Muslims are so devoted to her. Lebanese people are in dire need of this experience in order to revive their faith and become messengers of peace in their country and in the region. 51
The Herzegovina Franciscan Tomislav Pervan emphasizes: "Mezhdugorje is not only the name of a place, but also a name for a movement that is spreading all over the world." 52 In this way, Mezhdugorje, among other things, becomes an open global space for intercultural contacts.

Conclusion

Pilgrimage Mezhdugorye develops at the intersection of two elements-the attractiveness of the figure of the Virgin Mary and the attractiveness of Mezhdugorye as a sacred space. First of all, the pilgrims who come here are united by the belief that direct contact with the sacred is possible in Mezhdugorye and that the pilgrimage contributes to this goal. As the research materials show, the pilgrims share

51. Marschner, J. (2012) "100,000 attended apparitions in Beirut", Medjugorje Today March 11 [http://www.medjugorjetoday.tv/5031/6000-attended-apparition-in-beirut/, доступ от 30.12.2013].

52. Pervan, Т. (2011) "Proslov", Zbornik radoua sa znanstuenog simpozija "Trideset godina Medugorja" odrzanog 5. listopada 2011. Medugorju. Hercegouina Franciscana VII (7): 7 - 8.

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information and knowledge about the spiritual culture of Mezhdugorye, which recreates the main motives of the epistles of the Mother of God, perceived by adherents of various religions. These perceptions and expectations may differ among different groups involved in the process: pilgrims, local people, church officials, tour guides, agencies, etc. Since different discourses are involved in this process, and actors have different needs and knowledge, individual sacred loci of the Inter-mountain region and the entire Inter-Mountain region as a whole turn out to be a field of collision between these discourses, which leads to the appearance of barriers to cross-cultural understanding. Those who claim to play a dominant role in the design of the pilgrimage space (for example, the local population, which is "somewhat conservative in matters of faith", or pilgrims of a "moderate direction"), explain obstacles using normative discourse as "non-compliance with the rules"; that is, as the boundary between "ordinary" and "unusual". "normal" and "abnormal", "known" and "unknown". This is not about barriers related to different ethnic or religious backgrounds, but rather about constructs and interpretations of cultural differences, even within the same religion. As mentioned above, long-distance disputes do not turn into open clashes. As other studies show, similar disputes occur around every pilgrimage site 53.

At the same time, Mezhugorje, like some other pilgrimage sites in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 54 does not fit into the public and political discourses of this country, nor do they fully fit into the conceptual framework of individual academic works, according to which this country is exclusively a space of interethnic and interreligious confrontations. Recently published thematically related studies55, which analyze the conditions of interreligious communication and overcoming religious beliefs.

53. Eade, J. and Sallnow, M.J. (eds) (1991) Contesting the Sacred: the Anthropology of Christian Pilgrimage, p. 10. London and New York: Routledge.

54. Belaj, M. and Martic, Z. (2014) "Pilgrimage Site Beyond Politics: Experience of the Sacred and Inter-religious Dialogue in Bosnia", in J. Eade and M. Katie (eds) Pilgrimage, Politics and Place-Making in Eastern Europe. Farnham: Ashgate (in print).

55. Albera, D. and Couroucli, M. (eds) (2012) Sharing Sacred Spaces in the Mediterranean. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; Bowman, G. (ed.) (2012) Sharing the Sacra: The Politics and Pragmatics of Intercommunal Relations around Holy Places. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books.

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differences in holy places. All these works draw attention to the complex reality of pilgrimage sites, which can only be understood if a certain identity or culture is not taken as an unambiguous given, as the key to explaining everything. As F. emphasizes: Dervin, the study of interculturality is "a rejection of the rigid perception of culture"; such research involves understanding how culture can be flexibly, variably used in behavior and language to explain and justify actions and ideas 56.

Translated from Croatian by Eugenia Shatko

Bibliography/References

Author's field archive

PMA - interview of the author: woman, about 50 years old, Mezhdugorje, 06.06.2008; man, about 70 years old, Mezhdugorje, 28.04.2008; Ivan Cesar, born 1967, Mezhdugorje, 25-06.2010; priest, born 1938, Mezhdugorje, 26.06.2010; woman, pilgrim from Zagreb; Hindu pilgrim, proj. in Malaysia, about 40 years old, Mezhdugorje, 08.06.2008; male, about 70 years old, Mezhdugorje, 17.06. 2006; male, local resident, about 6o years old, Mezhdugorje, 09.06.2008; male, local resident, about 6o years old, Mezhdugorje, 06.06.2008; female, lives in Zagreb, about 50 years old, permanent pilgrim, Mezhdugorye, 30.04.2006; male, about 70 years old, guide, Mezhdugorye, 30.04.2006.

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