Libmonster ID: MD-961
Author(s) of the publication: A. S. Rusyaeva

It is difficult to come to terms with the tragic loss that suddenly befell the Russian antiquity. Yu. G. Vinogradov , an outstanding scientist with a world-wide reputation, has already attracted attention from the first years of his scientific activity as a talented epigraphist, a pioneer, an extraordinary researcher of the ancient history of the Northern Black Sea region. It is unlikely that its further study will be possible to do without his works, which clearly demonstrate the author's unique erudition, his scientific activity, extreme interest in a variety of topics, unconventional views and conclusions, original concepts, and the scope of scientific plans, many of which, unfortunately, remained unfulfilled.

In this publication, at the request of friends of Yu. G. Vinogradov, I will briefly touch on some aspects of his epistolary-scientific work only in the first three years (1972-1974) as an additional and integral part of his work and life. My correspondence with Yu.G. began long before my personal acquaintance with him. During a business trip in the winter of 1972 in the Library of the State Hermitage Museum's Antiquities Department, I. R. Pichikyan approached me and said that he and Yu. G. had read my articles about Achilles and Kore-Persephone with interest, and that Yura had some comments and suggestions that he would very much like to write to me about. If I am interested in his point of view, then it is best to send him a short letter. Obviously, this was done. Soon I received a large letter in which Yu. G., with his usual openness and favor, spoke about my first publications related to the topic of my PhD thesis on the Chthonic cults of Olbia 1 . Due to various circumstances, I started researching them late. In addition, this topic at that time, as is known, did not find support among archaeologists, who usually most often studied archaeological sites and materials. The impetus for the approval of the topic of cults was my excavations of the Beykush settlement, where the sanctuary of Achilles was discovered with a large number of original graffiti motifs. So, naturally, it was very important for me to get any opinion about my interpretation of completely new and unusual sources.

"I am very pleased that you are now intensively engaged in graffiti - a completely forgotten category of inscriptions," wrote Yu.G. " I am especially pleased with this, since I myself, as you know, have a long - standing passion for them. First of all, I would like to share with you some impressions about your last two publications.

The Beykush ostracons. The material is well classified by you. I would only combine your groups II, IV, and Agrota from group V together, since they share the same attributes: drawing + inscription. I think that the degree of abbreviation (1 or several letters of Achilles ' name) is too insignificant a criterion to divide this category into groups. This is also confirmed by the completely identical circles of the second and fourth grades. It is understandable that you have been very careful in your interpretation; however, I would also draw more far-reaching conclusions. It seems to me that these circles are not just votives, but votives that have the meaning of a kind of oracles-questions-requests to Achilles, meaning to wish their author success in certain branches of economic life. For example, the image of a fish and, especially, drawings (fish caught in a net) are clearly a wish for good luck in fishing. The image of the mahaira (with the inscription once) - can be a success in this kind of craft or in military affairs (?). This aspect of the Beykush votives was undoubtedly combined with magic spells-requests; this idea is suggested by the shard 1 from V gr. - there is a clear alphabet: the omission of letters is common and does not confuse it should. So, three aspects

1 We are talking about articles: Rusyaeva A. S. Kul'tovi predmet z poseleniya Beikushinau o-va Berezan [Cultural objects of the settlement of Beikushinau on the island of Berezan]. 1971. N 2. pp. 22-29; Cult of Kori-Persephone in Olvii / / Archeology. 1971. N 4. pp. 28-40.

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kruzhkov: votives - oracles-magic. Separate notes: ithyphallic figurines should be associated with chthonics - > fertility. Cf. the image of the same figurine in the Olvian crypt of the Zeus Mound. (It's also combined with a snake!) The circles under and above the waves are not entirely clear to me. Inscriptions: 1 cher (epok) V gr. - after the alphabet there is clearly a name somewhat carelessly written. Before it: H, it needs to be brought closer to IH on the second circle V gr. There this combination is not only at the beginning, but also at the end of the inscription (check! I watched the original version). It should probably be interpreted as a vocative interjection - "oh , ah"! It is not clear why you correct the last word in the original is the correct form of Hardly-a derivative of - "I will go", then what is the point? The verb is, of course, conjunctivus adhortativus, and here you have correctly translated "nehai nadiishle" (as opposed to Arch. II, where "sent"). The form is interesting in contrast to the late lapidary' In general, all the material is extremely interesting and original.

Cult of Kora (graffiti). N III. The repetition here and in Fig. 3,1 and in N IV is very interesting. Especially noteworthy are the pairs of letters in N IV: - so zeta was not written in the fifth century). I would associate this phenomenon with Tolstoy's (magical) inscription N 61, where there is-quite probably-especially if we take into account the etymology of the name: in fact, there is already a group in N IX (crossed out. - A. R.) this is probably a false start (according to Jeffery), the author started writing, then changed his mind, crossed out and scribbled Further, I think we should read not a and here not necessarily "divine"; rather - "Zeus". If this is the case, then we would have a syncretism of Kabirs and Dioscuri. This is a very interesting problem, since in this case the Olvian kabirs should be brought closer not to the Theban, but to the Samothrac version. It is very tempting to attract the inscriptions IOSPE N 191 and NO N 67, but there is a Hellenistic time. It would be good for you to specifically address this issue. So, I would read the entire inscription: I take the strikethrough as figure 2 .

N XI. What is striking is the purely Eleusinian set of deities. I think you should read it afterwards - it's poorly preserved. The inflection is interesting - in the name of Xanthippus, if this is not a typo - I do not know any dialectal parallels in Ionia. The second line is difficult to understand, maybe there is a false start again.

Now I come to my promise. I would not so much like to dwell on the figures as to present some of my thoughts about the so-called "naz". "windings", especially since many ostracons are known to you (some of them are even kept by you). If you are interested in the unknown ones, I will send you good drawings. I think that "windings" had much more different functions than just a utilitarian one - the basis for winding and storing threads. I came up with this idea by comparing a number of similar ostracons (they should be called exactly as the inscriptions show - see below) with names that are mostly male. What was the point of signing such a throwaway item, which takes only a couple of minutes to make from "walking" material? In the British Museum there is one ostracon (though not processed as a winding) with the inscription: - see А Guide to the Exhibition Illustrating Greek and Roman Life. Brit. Museum. 3rd ed. London, 1929, p. 8. Pryce, who published it there, saw it in the inscription "an idea of actual object". But what should such an idea mean? I noticed that many windings have a pronounced anthropomorphic shape, i.e. their intercept is not in the middle (as in general, it would be more convenient for winding), but is shifted to the edge. For example, a winding with the name (SGAIMK I, p. 178, fig. 4-from Olvia). (Here is a picture of this graffiti. - A. R.). This made me think that the windings carry some idea of the image of a human figure. This idea is confirmed by the ostracon O-47/47 (cr. IA of the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR) with the inscription "images, reliefs". What was the point of writing proper names on them? I think this is explained by the Olvian ostracons-windings-O-59/1268 and 1269 (LOIA) with the inscriptions and - here is clearly a wish for evil to Taurion, i.e. a real spell. There are also good wishes (O-59/1267-LOIA): The last ostracon explains other similar inscriptions without specifying

2 This inscription was subsequently interpreted differently. and a slightly different reading: Vinoyadov Ju. G., Rusjaeva A. S. Phantasmomagica Olbiopolitana / / ZPE. 1998. Bd 121. S. 162.

3 Ibid. S. 161-163.

4 First published in: Ibid. S. 157. Taf. X, 3 b, c, d.

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or for example (OGAM, 71986): compare the above-mentioned in the CCAMLR I and Guide. Individual ostracons have a more complex anthropomorphism, for example, O-48/2474 (IA of the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR). Here is the magic of the alphabet (the first letter is alpha). (Schematically drawn ostracon with three alphas at the top and four at the bottom-A. R.) This also includes the windings you published with the name of Kora (N 2, 3). It is known that Kora after Hermes is most often mentioned in spells (see E. Kagarow. Griechische Fluchtafeln. Leopoli, 1929, p. 59). So what was the point of the cutouts on the ostracons? I think that it is for winding, or rather for binding, since the main verb that appears in spells is "I bind so-and-so". The action was as follows: the conjurer made a "winding", wrote (or did not write) on it the name of his opponent (or only letters or magic scribbles), then tied everything with a thread, whispering the name of the conjured person and magic spells, and then threw it in the same place where lead tablets were thrown - in graves, wells So, this is a more" cheap " type of spell. An analogy to him is Raschepuppen with his hands tied, etc. (see Kagarow, p. 4 sl.). For example, in the case of Parmenon-Parmenon, this is the Parmenon itself and I connect it! As was often the case in magic, it was enough for a Greek to simply write one or a series of letters and pronounce a word, rather than having to write it in its entirety. This makes it likely that there is a magical spellcasting use of" windings " without inscriptions. It is interesting that, as far as I know, this category of material occurs mainly in the area of the Pobuzhya-Olbia et vicinia, for example, on the Bosporus (as I was told) they are rare. But there was probably another aspect of the use of ostracons - amulets. There is one interesting potsherd with an inscription from Athens - 2 floor. VI century - L. H. Jeffery. The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece, Oxf. 1961, p. 74, tab. 4, N 33)".

After this letter, which was not fully preserved, the correspondence with Yu. G. began, which continued intermittently (many issues were resolved by phone or during meetings) until March 19, 2000, when he wrote his last letter to me shortly before leaving for Germany. Later in this publication, various scientific reflections and views of Yu. G. will be given in excerpts, indicating that even at that time (he was still writing and then defending his PhD thesis on the economics of Phasos), the basis of his main work was a variety of inscriptions from the cities of the Northern Black Sea region, mainly Olbia, which he eventually wrote. dedicated his entire very short life.

"I do not think that it would be worth protesting so much against the application of the term "ostracon" to Beikush (and Olvi) circles and "windings". I understand that in modern science it was crystallized in one sense in connection with the well-known procedure of the Athenian ecclesia, but the ancients themselves used it much more widely - to denote a fragment of a vessel, in general, and also for the whole vessel, i.e. our "skull", " bowl "(cf. comm. Tolstoy to N 241, such an inscription inside the kilik is in the State Museum of Fine Arts from the excavations of Panticapaeum in 1947: in a circle). In addition, as I already wrote to you, in Brit. Mus. a potsherd with an inscription is kept, where there is no hint of ostracism and it should be brought closer to the Olvian windings." I think that with reservations of this kind, the term can be accepted. As for the oracles, what I meant was this. I do not see in the Beykush circles pure oracles, i.e. questions addressed in writing to the deity, with a simultaneous hint of a request for the successful completion of a particular case, with a question about the perpetrators of an incident (for example, theft), etc. (see at least Syll / 3 NN 1160-1166-Dodona). But I think that in these circles there is an element of the same idea, only expressed not in writing, but in pictographic form. Magic, in general, is closely intertwined with the oracle - for example, the same defixia is something other than a request to the underground deities to "bind" or "curse" so-and-so. With regard to the Kabirs, you have the cards in your hands; there is an excellent generalizing work on these deities: V. Hemberg. Die Kabiren, Uppsala, 1950, which you probably know. As for my ideas, I give them to you free of charge... Now the most important thing is about the Body of the graffiti Joint Venture. I have long conceived of such a work and have called for the cooperation of a number of people, although without success, so I will be happy to join the number of likely authors of this extremely necessary, but also extremely responsible work. Here is a brief summary of my thoughts on this matter.

I believe that the very principle of I. I. Tolstoy is to publish graff. the report on museums is absolutely incorrect, and in this respect it was hurtful in its haste, since in the West it was decided that Volume III of the IOSPE would be published in this form (cf. L. Zgusta, Die Personennamen der nord. Schwarzmeerkuste, p. 8 sl.). Graffiti, as well as inscriptions in general, should be published only in places of finds. Further information about the work of the Academy. Tolstoy: he was hasty in many ways: first of all-

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Thus, he approached his task as a philologist, and not as an epigraphist, guided only by the Hermitage collection and knew absolutely no analogies-hence his fantastic readings, for example, N 67, 80, 84, 106, 150, 165, 245 etc. Further, I. I. missed many things in the Hermitage, for example, the famous graff. on the lamp from Berezani, etc. The principle of illustration with just drawings is also incorrect (for a clever explanation, see page 6). I think that you should accompany absolutely all ceramic inscriptions with drawings, and give + photos for the most interesting and important ones (a photo for all inscriptions will make the publication wildly expensive and not economical). Tolstoy also omitted in his lemmas many publications published by graff.: so N 108 was published 4 times before him (!), and he did not cite a single publication. Therefore, I suggest the following procedure for creating a Corpus.

I. Collection of already published graff. by publications (I have already processed a number of periodicals).

II. Processing of material on collections with filling in an epigraphic card.

III. Final design of the manuscript.

Epigraphic card. For this purpose, it is best to use a punch card. I think this will be useful for further classifying inscriptions by groups and other characteristics" (further, the letter provides a detailed description of what the epigraphic card should contain and an approximate sample-A. R.).

"It is likely that in the course of work there will be clarifications of the sample. I think we should plan this volume to contain graffiti of Olvia et vicinia (Berezan, Beikush, etc.) and consider it one of the fasciculi IOSPE III (although it will be in Russian). To do this, of course, you need to raise the quality of the publication to the maximum. The Case should include all graffiti (inscriptions on raw or baked clay) on all types of ceramic products, including terracotta and signatures of craftsmen on imported Roman lamps, etc. I propose to preface the entire publication with a general introduction, in addition to a special introduction to each group of inscriptions in terms of content, and they are as follows::

I. Of a public nature (e.g. lists of names in the Olvian dicastery).

II. Of a religious nature.

1. Initiations (first of colleges, e.g. Numeniasts, then of private individuals), a) initiations with the name of the deity; b) initiations without the name of the deity; c) individual names of initiators (from undisputed sanctuaries).

2. Magic.

III. Names (whether fully or partially legible).

IV. Individual letters, groups of letters, and monograms.

V. Commercial and industrial character: 1) Master signatures;

2) Commercial purposes: a) numbers and names of vessels; b) references to the contents and other marks.

VI. Drinking parties.

VII. Funeral urns (if there are any in Olbia).

VIII. Drawings.

IX. Varia.

X. Graffiti of incomprehensible content (tamgas, etc.).

I do not consider the opinion of E. I. Solomonik, following E. R. Stern, that letters like, etc. undoubtedly denote Apollo, Artemis, Zeus, etc. I can't explain my arguments here, but I'd rather write them in another letter. Well, my main considerations, the details can be specified separately. Write your opinion. No one from Moscow or Leningrad will go to Munich for the congress, as it is not possible to create a delegation, I will be glad if you can do it. I'm not going on an expedition this year, my dissertation is running out. I could start working on the Building no earlier than next year" (Moscow, 6.VI.72).

"I wrote a dissertation on the topic" Economic development of Phasos Island in the V-IV centuries BC", the basis of which (more precisely, the second part of it) I made up my article about brands in NE X, which, however, was not included in the diss itself. work. The defense is unlikely to take place in the spring, rather it will be in the fall. The situation with the Hermitage conference is as follows: I have a report on "Socio-demographic structure of the population of Olbia in the VI-I centuries BC", which I am preparing for the conference in Berlin in November this year. If the trip there doesn't take place, I will read it in Leningrad. Now about the Case. I'm gradually starting to process the material. The Solomonik card cannot satisfy us, since it is not an epigraphic card, but simply an inventory museum card. I have developed a special card for graffiti, which I will try to push through the administration.

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our institute. I was in Leningrad in February and looked, among other things, at the GE graffiti published by Tolstoy. It turns out that quite a lot of things have not been published by him, and what is published needs a radical revision. Exempli gratia I will give N 61. It turns out that in stk. 5, where the sign D is copied from him, it actually stands: (a monogram consisting of pi is drawn, inside which sigma. - A. R.), i.e. = 5 staters. Thus, the inscription turns from a magical one into a promissory note (cf. stk. 3: = 14 staters). And much more like that. I spoke with E. I. Levy, who prepared a paper on dedicatory graffiti from temenos - she agrees to include it in the Corpus. Well, if you officially send her an invitation to take part in it" (Moscow, 13.IV.73).

"I have now temporarily suspended my work on graffiti, as I am preparing to publish Olvian inscriptions from your institute. Especially interesting is the large stele from corridor 5 . I am sure that this is the most interesting inscription of the third century since the discovery of the Protogen decree. It gives a lot of new and important information about the history of Olbia in this era, for example, about the distribution of bread rations among citizens - sitometry, about the Olbia navy, about social unrest, etc. It is also interesting for the topography and archeology of the city - for example, it first mentions the building of the College of Seven. It also provides a lot of new information for Olvian epigraphy proper. In this connection, I became interested in other documents of Olbia of this time, and this interest of mine now translates into a large work called "Olbia epigraphic studies", which I am thinking of giving in the NE. So I completely restored the meaning and text of the inscription NO N 28 + 29, copied many inscriptions, determined the content for many, connected several (one even in contact!). This work will undoubtedly set the stage for the upcoming reissue of IOSPE 1(3) (Olvia). In this regard, I have a request for you. If possible, please confirm on occasion in the sector my right (given to me during my last visit to Kiev by your employees) to publish this stele. Don't think my request is immodest. I don't want to give it to someone after all the work has been done and it's almost ready, although I don't see anyone who could take it up yet, because it's a very tough nut to crack, and it takes a lot of patience to crack it. Then, I do not know the exact circumstances of its discovery, in particular, I am interested in why it is wiped in the middle. I have heard that it is said to have been placed on the threshold of a house in the second century BC. Is it so?... But my "lapidary" affairs do not make me forget about graffiti at all. I absolutely agree with you that graffiti choirs should also be included in the Building, and first of all, Berezani. All the Berezan inscriptions from the Hermitage were copied from me. There aren't many of them, but there are some interesting ones... You should somehow treat him diplomatically (i.e. V. V. Lapin. - A. R.) approach him and ask him to publish graffiti from his excavations, which, by the way, he promised to give me in 1967. He has very interesting finds, for example, an inscription on the leg of a kilik in three circles. I will hope that you will be able to do this 6 . I'm going to Berezan this year, and Olvia in September" (Moscow, 3.VI.73).

"It took a lot of time to prepare the dissertation for the defense, which will finally take place in December this year. That's why I didn't really have time to start processing graffiti. It's going to be easier and more time since the new year, so I'll do that as well. I will answer your questions. Excavations in Olbia were very successful. We finished the study of the gymnasium, where we went to the entrance to the Roman moat - here we found a fragment of a slab in the style of stoichedon, which is remarkable for its beauty of execution. The study of the agora square itself to the south of Bolshaya stoya has been started (or rather, continued after a long break). 5 paving horizons from the fifth to the third centuries BC were identified and dated. Under the earliest horizon, an archaic depression filled with iconic material was discovered and partially revealed - 5 new graffiti dedications to Apollo Delphinius were found; 2 of them are magnificent and yet unique: This will probably interest you. Now it is clear that the territory of temenos extended further south in the Archaic period, and then shrank, as A. N. Karasev suggested. On site E (3) (behind the dicastery) new interesting buildings of the VI century. Further to the west, on a small plot, there is a beautiful basement of the late IV-III centuries, preserved to its full height, with a stone staircase and a cistern. Here we found a small hoard of coins of the third century in a purse (19 coins). In addition to the toga, 2 more fragments of inscriptions were found on

5. Vinogradov Yu. G. The decree in honor of Antesterius and the crisis of the Olvian Polis in the era of Hellenism / / VDI. 1984. N 1. pp. 51-80.

6 V. V. Lapin gave all the graffiti from his excavations in Berezan to V. P. Yaylenko for publication. (Greek colonization V1I-III BC Moscow, 1982, pp. 258-308 with lit.).

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limestone from dicasterium. The most important thing is that all the ongoing research is very promising, and it is clear in which direction they should be developed. I will go to the Hermitage for the conference with the report "Socio-demographic structure of the population of Olbia in the VI-I centuries". I have re-processed the onomatological material and obtained interesting results. Now I'm finishing a big work called "Olvian epigraphic studies" for the NE - this is my planned topic. The job includes: 1) publication of new inscriptions; 2) revision of those already published; 3) an outline of the development of early Olvian lapidary palaeography; 4) an outline of the development of formulas for honorary decrees; 5) some historical observations based on epigraphic material. The article is based only on lapidary monuments, and it turns out a lot of interesting conclusions... By the way, this year I have succeeded to the Berezani pit, which was laid back in 1970 at the site of the discovery of my letter. The date suggested by me was fully confirmed - 2 months. VI century, the end at the latest. One detail will be interesting to you - the layer there is quite poor, but in one hole 50 x 50 cm there was an intense ashy ground with burnt bones. It contains 8 porpoises and 7 t.naz. "windings", although there were no similar finds in the entire pit. So this is, in all likelihood, a botros-type pit, which once again proves the productive purpose of" windings" " (Moscow, 1. XI. 73).

"About the card. I'm now going to work very hard on getting her into the print shop. If this is successful, then it is better to make the categorization fractional, so that it is easier to find the right column. If not, then you are right - we will make summary graphs so that there is less technical work on making the card itself. I was supposed to give analogies in the "Comment" column, I think that you should not flood the Building with them, you should only give them to rare and obscure ones in themselves, and not to such ones, for example, as This is the case for future research on the basis of the Building... I can't put a purely excavation theme in my plan - don't forget the profile of our institute... So now, after discussing this with my boss (and he, like the entire sector, is entirely on my side), I decided not to put a special Case in my plan, but I will deal with it under the guise of some other topic. However, I have my own plot in Olbia - this year I will continue to follow Nikita Shebalin to the Agora Square. There is an interesting cult material, including graffiti-E. I. Levi probably told you about it" (Moscow, 25. V. 74).

"The era that was silent in the political aspect until now is now playing in all its glory. I will focus only on the "barbaric" issue that you address in your letter. I do not know the source of your information about Kostya's dissertation (Marchenko, A. R.), but he does not "populate Olvia with barbarians" at all. He only wants to find out how many barbarians there were in Olbia at what time. And in this respect, he, as well as I on onomastics, do not generally make any subversive discoveries in comparison with the sober view of the ethnic history of Olvia that is established in science (for example, in the work of Knipovich, MIA 50). I say sober, meaning Lapin's far from sober, hypertrophied view, which wants to "evict" the barbarians from Olbia altogether. And I think that your fears that the second extreme will turn out as opposed to Lapin are still in vain. If you look at Kosti's article in SA, 1972, N 4, you will see that for the VI-III centuries the average percentage of stucco ceramics for residential areas of the city does not exceed 7%, and for public areas - 3%. Thus, you can be calm - the Ionian Olbia is "alive"! But the point is not only to state the fact of the presence of barbarians, it is important to find out the dynamics of the development of the foreign component in the composition of the city's inhabitants and determine its social and economic role by period. That's what Knipovich didn't do in her article, and that's what I'm trying to do. Moreover, I do not limit myself to one category of sources - onomastics. I also involve archaeology; but since I can't research such materials as stucco ceramics myself, I use the findings of other scientists - in this case, K. Marchenko, who I have no reason to disbelieve. The point is different, in the methodology. For me, and not only for me, but also for D. B. Shelov (see his excellent work in VDI, 1974, No. 1), it seems more correct to start methodically from prosopography, and then correlate it with archeology, since monuments of material culture, I would say, are "silently speaking". You yourself know, for example, how much controversy is being waged over the ethnic attribution of crouched burials. It turns out that our findings with Kostya are correlated. I will not go into details (you will learn about them in my article), I will only tell you about the main results of my research. At an early stage in the history of Olbia (archaic-classical), what is called in sociology, a demographic explosion occurs. The first half-century of its existence (1st floor). VI c.) the Greeks settle down in a new place, then (from the middle of the century) they begin to intensively develop the surrounding agricultural territory -

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to the choir. Inevitably, as a result of this, a fairly large (relatively, of course) number of barbarians (Scythians and Thracians) infiltrate the population of the polis, who are strongly Hellenized, some of them acquire citizenship and occupy a fairly high social position in the city, many acquire large fortunes, etc. At the end of the fifth or beginning of the fourth century, this process stabilizes, although the influx of barbarians does not stop altogether. On the other hand, the outsiders who are already drawn into the Greek orbit gradually lose their close ties with the tribal environment around them and therefore lose their ethnic appearance, which was expressed primarily in their perception of Greek or mixed anthroponyms. The picture froze until the middle of the second century BC, when a new demographic explosion occurs, associated with the establishment of the protectorate of Skilur. Hence - a new influx of Scythian names and an increase in the specific weight of stucco ceramics. This is the resulting picture of ethnic and social dynamics. Can it be called the second extreme point of view, if there are only a few barbarian names in hundreds of Greek ones? I don't think so. Now specifically about the Skill and Herodotus. I wrote about this in a popular work, I will write it in an article for the collection "Olvia II", and I am writing to you. The fact is that our science has established a traditional point of view, and in circles both "pro-Hellenic" (Lapin & S) and "pro-Barbarian" (all other "moderates"). The story of Herodotus is mostly fiction, although the Skill is a real person. If there is a rational grain here, then the very singleness of the example shows how divided the Hellenes and barbarians were (after all, the latter sacredly protected their customs!). Remember, as in Lapin; "If we had a dozen more Skills, they would not change our ideas" (what pathos!). I wanted to approach this issue from a different angle. As they say: the fairy tale is a lie, but there is a hint in it! Undoubtedly, there is a lot of fictional fiction in the story about Skyle: the motives of the Olviopolitan informer are naive, the noble anger of the Scythians punishing the apostate king is caricatured. But Herodotus ' distortion of reality is explained not only by the novelistic genre of his work, but also by the general concept idealizing barbarians that prevailed in ancient historiography, starting with Hellenicus and up to late Roman writers.Herodotus cannot be called a bright representative of this trend, but he did not stay away from it. Take 2 stories-about Anacharsis and Skyle, is it possible to come up with two parallel stories built according to the same scheme: a noble Scythian of the royal family -> comes into contact with Greek culture and religion -> completely absorbs it -> returns to his homeland -> inevitably dies at the hands of his compatriots. In the name of what? And in the name of the fact that the" father of history " needs to prove its etiological postulate: the Scythians severely punish apostates. And besides, what religions he chooses to contrast - not calm, like Apollo and Athena, but violent - Cybele and Dionysus in contrast to the benevolent Scythian ones. Well, how can you not suspect Herodotus of sympathizing with the Scythians? But if there was a Skill and Anacharsis, then there were also contacts?! In the story about the Skill, there is one interesting detail that I refer to as a rational grain, and which no one stubbornly wants to notice. After all, Skil approached Olvia often with a large army (retinue, squad), entered the city alone, and locked the gates. Everyone exclaims-that's how good, the Scythians were not even allowed to go to Olbia! Well, of course, if you naively believe Herodotus in everything. And if so, then it is permissible to ask: and why accompany the king, seeing how he often enters the city and spends a long time there, did not think about why the Skill is so often and long in Olvia? Perhaps then (if, of course, Herodotus is to be believed in everything) the informer Olviopolitus, who showed the Scythians the orgiastic debauchery of their ruler, would not have been needed. The answer, in my opinion, is simple-the Scythians considered such contacts as normal and self-evident! In addition, the Scythian retinue stopped at..., by which Latyshev meant the empty space in front of the walls, but we now know that this was the same posad that Kozub unearthed (you can tell her that, because she sometimes calls it an urban-type settlement, or almost blocks of archaic Olbia). Unless in this Hellenic suburb of the Scythian ... would you have avoided contact with the Greeks? Well, that's all I wanted to write to you. I would love to know your opinion 7 . I have already convinced some people in Leningrad, and I would like to find a like-minded person in you " (Moscow, 14. VII. 74).

"I'm not going to publish the erased slab in a hurry - the monument is so complex and complicated.

7 More and more sources appeared, and Yu. G. ' s views naturally changed not only about the Skill, but also about many issues related to the history of Olbia. Vinogradov Yu. G. Ring of the king of Skill / / SA. 1980. N 3. pp. 92-109; on. Politicheskaya istoriya Olviyskogo polisa VII-I vv. B.C. Istoriko - epigraficheskoe issledovanie [Political history of the Olvian Polis of the VII-I centuries BC]. Moscow, 1989, pp. 94-109.

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it is important that you should not hurry, it will only harm the cause, especially given the responsibility that editor princeps always assumes. I plan to include it in my monograph, especially since it will be published (the inscription) is large in volume. About stucco ceramics. Willingly or unwittingly, you have expressed the main arguments of Lapin, which to me (and not only) seem very abstract. I also have no doubt that the Greeks could have used stucco dishes, whether they were comfortable or not is another matter. Kostya Marchenko admits the same possibility, especially with regard to stucco imitations of Greek models. But answer me one question: why are the Olviopolites (Greeks?) did they accurately repeat in their stucco ware the forms and ornamentation not of their own kitchen and dining room kruzhal ceramics, but of the Tyasminsky, Posulsky, etc. stucco variants of the Scythian culture? Why at the same time stucco ceramics from Greek. the territory of the Kuban region is completely identical to the Maeotian samples, etc.? Why do Thracian samples appear closer to the west? And because the argument of the Hellenic belonging of stucco ceramics from Greek. JV policies are still at a purely speculative stage, while the opposite concept has a firm foothold in the barbaric environment surrounding this policy! After all, no matter how much Lapin tries to attract material from Greece, he has not yet given a single example, except for mistakenly or deliberately manipulated by him, and children's stucco vessels from burials. It's the same with scorchworms - they don't exist in Greece after the seventh century.! We may not find any" clean " barbarian housing complexes in Olbia. I think that most Scythians and other non-Greeks had rather low social status in Olbia. status and lived in the Greek Oikos, where the main set of ceramics was Greek. And those of the barbarians who stood higher on the social ladder, quite early (and this is quite natural!) Hellenized, starting to use the same Greek dishes. In general, it would be even strange that in such a powerful cultural Hellenic environment - within the walls of the polis, the barbarians would have preserved their unblemished ethnic appearance. In short, it would be possible to argue for a long time, if you want - we will leave it for a personal meeting. "Demographic explosion" is, of course, a red word for writing, not for writing an article. Now the most important thing. I was interested to hear from you for the first time, as I know, the so-called "theory of Sinoikism" widely spread in Kiev, which, as far as I know, is initiated by the same Lapin. True, you have made it sound very cautious, but the essence of it does not change from this. Indeed, what grounds do we have for saying that Olvia was founded earlier than the Chora settlements and began to establish them herself? Maybe it was the other way around - they founded Olvia? I must tell you at once that I and my Leningrad colleagues on the expedition are resolute opponents of this theory. For God's sake don't take offense at me, because even though it's an amicus Plato, sed magis arnica est veritas. The epistemology of this concept lies, as it seems to me, in our joint misfortune, and perhaps even to blame - the disunity of the expeditions of Kiev and Leningrad for many years and therefore in the completely insufficient exchange of information about the same monument(!). Willingly or unwittingly, you have referred to the thirteen dugouts you have excavated, and you probably know only in the most general terms that we are only a few dozen meters away from you, revealing the most powerful archaic layers of the VI century. (which sometimes even Berezan does not give!) with the development of stone construction (along with dugouts, of course), all this is not yet published and when will it be! We come to Olbia and look at each other's excavations, see masonry, dugouts, pits and do not know the layers, how they are dated, etc. The earliest settlement in Pobuzhye is Berezan, now we can say for sure that there are complexes of the 40s of the VII century. I have partly watched the material for choirs myself, and I can partly rely on the opinion of such people as Kopeikina, Marchenko, and Domansky. For old settlements (Shirokaya, Zakisova, etc.), there are no materials earlier than the 2nd floor. VI century It would be very important and interesting for me to know which ceramics from Beykush you date to the end of the VII-I century. VI century If possible, write exactly-centers, styles, and dates. But even if the Beykush is based on the 1st floor. In the sixth century, this also does not change the case - one or two settlements in the immediate vicinity of Berezan could have been withdrawn directly from it without the participation of Olvia. The main thing is that on the entire Right Bank from Nikolaev to Ochakov - Olvia with ser. VI century. the most powerful center, and clearly polis appearance (cf. the area occupied by the archaic, the layout of the city, public buildings - temenos, one building excavated from us, etc.). And with these data, the usual scheme, which has a lot of analogies in the history of Greek. colonizations: the original stronghold (Berezan), polis (Olbia), the development of Chora-has a much better chance of existence than the mythical theory of Sinoikism. It is mythical, since, for example, the Thesean sinoikism of Attica from the demes really goes deep into the mythical past, while in historical times sinoikism united the polis (!).

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Lapin's goal in this theory (not yours, God forbid) It is also clear to me: to justify my "Bonnar" theory, which is based on a one-sided understanding of Marx's statement: the whole Greek. colonization was caused by relative overpopulation, the fact that the Greeks had nothing to eat - "a hungry belly equipped the ships"! It remains to answer only one question: what is it that in Miletus (by the way, rich and prosperous before the Persian defeat) Greek women gave birth like cats, that the Miletians starved to death in just a few decades(!) have you brought out 80 colonies, or even more?! So, following Lapin, they arrived at the banks of Hypanis and Borysthenes and immediately, like hungry sheep, scattered through the villages in search of pasture food. Greek colonization had many causes, and to reduce all to one is to abandon dialectics altogether. And if we are to be such a reader, we can recall another statement of Marx about the underdevelopment and non-improvement of the means of production throughout the ancient formation. How, then, can we explain that colonization was most intense only in the seventh and sixth centuries? Well, I'm sorry, I gave too much free rein to my pathos, we need to deal with these issues calmly and jointly, and therefore, I think, we need to exchange information more often, arrange debates, conferences, watch each other's material, etc. I would like to hope that now Olvia will finally wait for this " (Moscow, 6. VIII. 74).

"I would not like to return to the discussion about Sinoikism, barbarians, etc. I'd rather write to you in more detail from Moscow, or we'll talk when we meet in Kiev. I will only note that this theory is explicitly stated by Lapin in his book. I would be very interested to get acquainted with those Beykush materials that you consider the earliest. Especially with painted ceramics, because you are well aware that in such matters you cannot rely on materials that are widely dated, for example, amphorae and stucco that appeared in the first half of the VI century, but survived without noticeable modification until the end of the VI century (and this is exactly how Kostya Marchenko dated your stucco ceramics). I would be very grateful if you would send the promised certificate and photos or drawings. I've heard a bit about the results of your expedition, but mostly second-hand. I would be glad if you could describe them in detail... Now about our work. Headed by Elena Ivanovna (Levi. - A. R.), she feels good, her deputy-K.To. Marchenko, I am digging site E center, i.e. Agora square opposite stoi, M. P. Vaulina, who is now due to be replaced by L. V. Kopeikina, continues digging to the west of the dicastery (E (4); V. I. Pruglo is digging a Hellenistic house with basements and a stone staircase next to it; Kostya and Y. V. Domansky are working on peripherals, and I connect to them. On E (4) near Vaulina, basements, dugouts and pits are being investigated below a large building with pseudo-polygonal masonry, while there are no particularly striking finds. Pruglo has opened a second basement and a whole series of pits from archaic to Roman times, revealing a cistern in the first basement. Found an interesting graffiti of the VI century. - on the leg of the kilik full alphabet... this is clearly not Ionia, although the rest of the letters are Ionian. At the top is another ring (remnants) with magic icons and individual letters. Now about my plot. The stratigraphy of agora pavements and their 5 horizons from the beginning of the 5th to the 3rd centuries was verified. In the post-Opirion period, the square (or part of it) was paved with slabs. A huge depression of the VI century under the earliest pavement is fully revealed. It turned out that these were seven consecutive cult pits - botros or, rather, depressions for dumping cult equipment. They follow the chord, bounding the archaic temenos from the south. Found 7 new dedications to Apollo Delphinius and the end of last year. One very interesting and strange thing is that there is a lot of beautiful painting, but one fragment is simply a masterpiece: on the kilik type of small-figure head of Athena is an amazing work. On the reverse side of the graffiti: Several fragments of an Early Attic amphora 1 floor sticking together. VI century - 5 young men, a dog between the central pair. In general, a closed complex (terminus ante quem-the beginning of the fifth century). On the choir we dig the settlement of Kozyrka II (end of VI-1st floor). III century), very intensive stone construction. We were in Estuaries, and stratigraphy was established at the late classical settlement of Shurfovka. Then we met with Klyushentsev, got full information and looked at the materials" (Olvia, 26. IX. 74).

"I also just showed your shards to Lyusa (Kopeikina. - A. R.), and she told me that she really used to watch them in the original and believes that they reach ser. and even slightly can go into the 2nd floor. VI century In general, the dating of this kind of goats is very vague.

About Olvia 1 gender. VI century First, I believe, as well as my colleagues on the expedition (including E. I.), that the city was founded both at the bottom and at the top at the same time. This is proven

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the fact that the terracotta published by E. I. in CA VII was found already on the first lower terrace; in addition, in the upper city there are structures built in the 1st floor. And not only dugouts, but monumental public buildings on a pseudo-polygonal basement, which we finished revealing only this year on E (3). This is Lucy's dating, and I have no reason to distrust it. This building, as well as the adjacent basements and dugouts, prove that the city was planned no later than September. VI century, as it now turns out that at that time the agora was not built up, i.e. the place for it was already allocated. In addition, the building and basements have a certain layout and orientation, which persists until the Geth defeat. It's the same with Temenos , because there isn't a single VI-century residential complex there. Besides, it would be strategically insane to settle only in the lower city: whatever peaceful relations with the surrounding barbarians might exist, this basin would be a mousetrap for the Greeks. As for the time of the formation of the state, I have my own thoughts on this. You can read them in my article in the collection in memory of Farmakovsky, which is due out soon (written in 1970) 8 . I will only say that I believe, unlike Lapin, that the Greeks did not move out of the metropolis in an unorganized crowd and immediately fled to the villages, and then created a state through Sinoikism. No, they were carrying with them from Miletus to Apoikia an already established state apparatus with certain governing bodies, a kind of status in statu. This is not my idea at all, but I would like to point out that the picture of the Olbia Polis was more complex (complicated by the pre - emergence of Berezani), although it is quite typical of Greek colonization in general. I think that the main colonization flow came from Miletus, and to some extent the inhabitants of Berezani (also Ionians, Miletians -?) and some Dorians joined it (Rhodians, I wrote about this in SA, 1971, N 2 - if you don't have my impression, I will send you). These are, in short, the main ideas; I have no doubt that further excavations and our joint work on the already extracted material will clarify something, and change something-life, as you know, is always more complicated than any schemes. You just need to work, and preferably together. Now about something else. We need to start moving the Graffiti Case. I will try to draw up the card graphically and send it to you for discussion as soon as possible - before the end of the year. I just spoke with A.M. Taradash, who promised me to pick up all the Berezan graffiti in OGHAM. Some of them are very interesting. She showed me a photo of a fragment of a ficellular amphora (I think 2 chetv. VI century), where on the shoulders goes: without a doubt. The earliest evidence of the veneration of Apollo the Physician in Nizhny Pobuzhye! In the next 2 months, I'm going to finish a not so large collection of GYM equipment, and then move on to L-du. Let's act on the sly, otherwise our business is frozen at a dead point due to the turnover of cases " 9 (Moscow, 9. XI. 74).

From these few letters of Yu. G. Vinogradov, when he was not yet 30, it is clear how actively, purposefully and with what great enthusiasm he worked, gradually crystallizing his own scientific concept of the political history of the Olvian Polis. As a result, it should be stated that he became an excellent researcher, who made an invaluable contribution not only to the study of Olbia, but also to the entire Black Sea region in the ancient era.

And in conclusion, I can also note that I have never been interested in pure epigraphy itself. Moreover, over time, I generally realized what a difficult and fascinating, but at the same time extremely thankless science it is. When you see a new inscription that has not yet been read by anyone, you spend a lot of time and creative energy on it with a sinking heart. However, after its publication, you will not hear gratitude from opponents who (each from the "height of their own flight") do not even try to realize that they are already following the well-trodden, much easier path with one unit.-

8 See Vinogradov Yu. G. O politicheskom edinstvo Berezani i Olvia [On the political unity of Berezani and Olvia]. Khudozhestvennaya kul'tura i arkheologiya antichnogo mira [Art Culture and Archeology of the Ancient World], Moscow, 1976, pp. 75-84; Vinogradov Ju. G.Pontische Studien. Mainz, 1997. S. 133-145.

9 After the epigraph card was printed, a lot of graffiti was processed from various collections available to us, but we were not able to complete this huge work at that time due to various circumstances beyond our control, mainly due to the inability to publish the Corpus at the proper printing level either in Russia or even in Ukraine. in the Soviet and post-Soviet times. As far as I know, Yu.G. negotiated with Western epigraphists and did not lose hope that the Graffiti Corpus, as well as the Corpus of Lapidary Inscriptions, would still be published.

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It is necessary to find out the mistakes of the first publisher by all means. Therefore, the most important merit of Yu. G. I consider his amazing strength of spirit and courage as a scientist and a person who, despite a number of critical articles, often devoid of any scientific ethics, remained faithful to epigraphy until the end of his life.

"And the final chord in this divertissement: I am not at all surprised by the rumors that reach you about my Bacchanalian addictions, as well as the lack of them that Yu. V. works hard, not even thinking about (non-alcoholic) beer, when he creates something new, because my abstinent well-wishers, for obvious reasons, hesitate to compare the ratio of his scientific and professorial load + the printed implementation of his binge-drinking creativity and the volume of drinks consumed by him in terms of pure alcohol with its own efficiency, because the proportion will clearly not be in their favor. I ask you to treat such rumors as I do, calmly, always critically weighing, cui prodest, because the same thing was said (and published even in memoirs in the West!) and about M. I. Rostovtsev, which is in no way an excuse for reasonable people like me, since only Chronos can judge the level and viability of our writings. But enough of this, as the Father of History wrote" (Moscow, 19. III. 2000).


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